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The home front of the United States in World War II supported the war effort in many ways, including a wide range of volunteer efforts and submitting to government-managed rationing and price controls.

There was a general feeling of agreement that the sacrifices were for the national good "for the duration [of the war]. The labor market changed radically. Peacetime conflicts with respect to race and labor took on a special dimension because of the pressure for national unity.

The Hollywood film industry was important for propaganda. Every aspect of life from politics to personal savings changed when put on a wartime footing. This was achieved by tens of millions of workers moving from low to high productivity jobs in industrial centers. Millions of students, retirees, housewives, and unemployed moved into the active labor force. Hours worked increased as leisure activities declined sharply. Gasoline, meat, and clothing were tightly rationed.

Production of most durable goods, like cars, new housing, vacuum cleaners, and kitchen appliances, was banned until the war ended. Prices and wages were controlled. Americans saved a high portion of their incomes, which led to renewed growth after the war. Federal tax policy was highly contentious during the war, with President Franklin D. Roosevelt battling a conservative Congress.

However, both sides agreed on the need for high taxes along with heavy borrowing to pay for the war: However, Roosevelt did manage to impose this cap on executive pay in corporations with government contracts. Many controls were put on the economy. The most important were price controls, imposed on most products and monitored by the Office of Price Administration. Wages were also controlled. In a rationing system was begun to guarantee minimum amounts of necessities to everyone especially poor people and prevent inflation.

Tires were the first item to be rationed in January because supplies of natural rubber were interrupted. Gasoline rationing proved an even better way to allocate scarce rubber. In June the Combined Food Board was set up to coordinate the worldwide supply of food to the Allies, with special attention to flows from the U.

By one needed government issued ration coupons to purchase coffee, sugar, meat, cheese, butter, lard, margarine, canned foods, dried fruits, jam, gasoline, bicycles, fuel oil, clothing, silk or nylon stockings, shoes, and many other items. Some items, like automobiles and home appliances, were no longer made. The rationing system did not apply to used goods like clothes or cars, but they became more expensive since they were not subject to price controls.

To get a classification and a book of rationing stamps, one had to appear before a local rationing board. Each person in a household received a ration book, including babies and children.

When purchasing gasoline, a driver had to present a gas card along with a ration book and cash. Ration stamps were valid only for a set period to forestall hoarding. All forms of automobile racing were banned, including the Indianapolis which was cancelled from to Sightseeing driving was banned. Personal income was at an all-time high, and more dollars were chasing fewer goods to purchase. This was a recipe for economic disaster that was largely avoided because Americans—cajoled daily by their government to do so—were also saving money at an all-time high rate, mostly in War Bonds but also in private savings accounts and insurance policies.

Consumer saving was strongly encouraged through investment in war bonds that would mature after the war. Most workers had an automatic payroll deduction; children collected savings stamps until they had enough to buy a bond. Bond rallies were held throughout the U. Several stars were responsible for personal appearance tours that netted multiple millions of dollars in bond pledges—an astonishing amount in Compliance was very high, with entire factories of workers earning a special "Minuteman" flag to fly over their plant if all workers belonged to the "Ten Percent Club".

There were seven major War Loan drives, all of which exceeded their goals. The unemployment problem ended with the mobilization for war. Out of a labor force of 54 million, unemployment fell in half from 7. Greater wartime production created millions of new jobs, while the draft reduced the number of young men available for civilian jobs. So great was the demand for labor that millions of retired people, housewives, and students entered the labor force, lured by patriotism and wages.

Before the war most groceries, dry cleaners, drugstores, and department stores offered home delivery service. The labor shortage and gasoline and tire rationing caused most retailers to stop delivery.

They found that requiring customers to buy their products in person increased sales. Women also joined the workforce to replace men who had joined the forces, though in fewer numbers. Roosevelt stated that the efforts of civilians at home to support the war through personal sacrifice was as critical to winning the war as the efforts of the soldiers themselves. The war effort brought about significant changes in the role of women in society as a whole. When the male breadwinner returned, wives could stop working.

At the end of the war, most of the munitions-making jobs ended. Many factories were closed; others retooled for civilian production. In some jobs women were replaced by returning veterans who did not lose seniority because they were in service.

Many women working in machinery factories and more were taken out of the work force. Many of these former factory workers found other work at kitchens, being teachers, etc.

The table shows the development of the United States labor force by sex during the war years. Women also took on new roles in sport and entertainment, which opened to them as more and more men were drafted. Night games offered affordable, patriotic entertainment to working Americans who had flocked to wartime jobs in the Midwest hubs of Chicago and Detroit although better paid than in the prewar Depression, most industrial war workers were on gas and tire rationing, limiting them to local recreation options.

The League provided a novelty entertainment of girls who played hardball as well as men, executing traditional baseball skills of sliding and double-plays while wearing short, feminine uniform skirts. Players as young as fifteen were recruited from farm families and urban industrial teams, chaperoned on the road and subject to strict rules of behavior that included mandatory makeup and feminine hair styling, no drinking or smoking, no swearing, no fraternization with men, and no wearing pants in public; moreover, the League only recruited white players.

Fans supported the League to the extent that it continued well past the conclusion of the war, lasting through Labor shortages were felt in agriculture, even though most farmers were given an exemption and few were drafted. Large numbers volunteered or moved to cities for factory jobs. At the same time many agricultural commodities were in greater demand by the military and for the civilian populations of Allies.

Production was encouraged and prices and markets were under tight federal control. Children were encouraged to help with these farms, too. The Bracero Program , a bi-national labor agreement between Mexico and the U. Some , braceros "strong arms," in Spanish were recruited and contracted to work in the agriculture fields. Between and some , Italian and German prisoners of war were used as farm laborers, loggers, and cannery workers. In Michigan, for example, the POWs accounted for more than one-third of the state's agricultural production and food processing in To help with the need for a larger source of food, the nation looked to school-aged children to help on farms.

Schools often had a victory garden in vacant parking lots and on roofs. Children would help on these farms to help with the war effort. With the war's ever increasing need for able bodied men consuming America's labor force in the early s, industry turned to teen-aged boys and girls to fill in as replacements. The lures of patriotism, adulthood, and money led many youth to drop out of school and take a defense job.

Between and , the number of teenage workers increased by 1. The war mobilization changed the relationship of the Congress of Industrial Organizations CIO with both employers and the national government. Nearly all the unions that belonged to the CIO were fully supportive of both the war effort and of the Roosevelt administration.

However the United Mine Workers, who had taken an isolationist stand in the years leading up to the war and had opposed Roosevelt's reelection in , left the CIO in The major unions supported a wartime no-strike pledge that aimed to eliminate not only major strikes for new contracts, but also the innumerable small strikes called by shop stewards and local union leadership to protest particular grievances.

In return for labor's no-strike pledge, the government offered arbitration to determine the wages and other terms of new contracts. Those procedures produced modest wage increases during the first few years of the war but not enough to keep up with inflation, particularly when combined with the slowness of the arbitration machinery. Even though the complaints from union members about the no-strike pledge became louder and more bitter, the CIO did not abandon it.

The Mine Workers, by contrast, who did not belong to either the AFL or the CIO for much of the war, threatened numerous strikes including a successful twelve-day strike in The strikes and threats made mine leader John L.

Lewis a much hated man and led to legislation hostile to unions. All the major unions grew stronger during the war. The government put pressure on employers to recognize unions to avoid the sort of turbulent struggles over union recognition of the s, while unions were generally able to obtain maintenance of membership clauses, a form of union security , through arbitration and negotiation.

Employers gave workers new untaxed benefits such as vacation time, pensions, and health insurance , which increased real incomes even when wage rates were frozen. The experience of bargaining on a national basis, while restraining local unions from striking, also tended to accelerate the trend toward bureaucracy within the larger CIO unions.

Some, such as the Steelworkers, had always been centralized organizations in which authority for major decisions resided at the top. The UAW, by contrast, had always been a more grassroots organization, but it also started to try to rein in its maverick local leadership during these years.

The CIO leadership, particularly those in further left unions such as the Packinghouse Workers, the UAW, the NMU, and the Transport Workers, undertook serious efforts to suppress hate strikes, to educate their membership, and to support the Roosevelt Administration's tentative efforts to remedy racial discrimination in war industries through the Fair Employment Practices Commission.

Those unions contrasted their relatively bold attack on the problem with the timidity and racism of the AFL. The CIO unions were progressive in dealing with gender discrimination in wartime industry, which now employed many more women workers in nontraditional jobs.

Unions that had represented large numbers of women workers before the war, such as the UE electrical workers and the Food and Tobacco Workers , had fairly good records of fighting discrimination against women.

Most union leaders saw women as temporary wartime replacements for the men in the armed forces.

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With the Quiet Revolution , Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism and later the October Crisis the party's position on the national question became the subject of broad debate across the country, and influenced the agreement of the Canadian Labour Congress to work with the Quebec Federation of Labour on an equal and voluntary basis. The communists called for workers sympathetic with independence movements to unite on a common, immediate class-based programme of common struggle with English-speaking Canadian workers.

The federated party of labour proposal was endorsed by the late s by most trade union centrals, but the project was eclipsed by the emergence of the Parti Quebecois. During the crisis in CPC during the s, the PCQ became disorganized, closed its offices, and its remaining members drifted apart from the CPC, with many in the leadership adopting positions sympathetic to nationalism.

It was not until that a range of communists and communist groups came together to re-organize the PCQ. The UFP agreed to place the question of Quebec independence as secondary to social or class issues. The debate moved over into the PCQ as well. In January , Parizeau wrote a letter to PCQ members declaring that the party was in crisis and, describing the four NEC members who opposed his amendments as a pro-federalist "Gang of Four", he summarily dismissed them.

Although his Quebec nationalist point of view held a slim majority at the PCQ's convention of April , the delegate selection process was highly disputed. Parizeau was subsequently expelled by the Central Committee of the CPC for factionalism and actions harmful to the Party.

Around the same time, his group announced their withdrawal from the CPC. They work closely with the youth and student organization, the "Ligue de la jeunesse communiste du Quebec". The CPC-aligned PCQ campaigned for a general social political strike against the previous Charest Liberal government and the subsequent pro-austerity provincial governments.

Party leader Miguel Figueroa called for the Communists to field 25 candidates in the upcoming federal election. The party held a special tribute to Miguel Figueroa, who had retired before the convention, and elected Elizabeth Rowley as party leader.

Historically, the Communist Party and Labor-Progressive Party have had allied organizations which were affiliated with the party until the lates, and subsequently understood to be largely following the Party's direction. These groups often originated from left wing labour and socialist movements that existed prior to the creation of the Communist Party and operated political and cultural activities amongst various immigrant groups, published magazines and operated their own cultural centres and meeting halls.

From the s through the s the largest immigrant groups represented in the party were Finns, Ukrainians and Jews who were organized in the Finnish Organization of Canada founded in as the Finnish Socialist Organization of Canada , the Association of United Ukrainian Canadians known as the Ukrainian Labor Farmer Temple Association until and the United Jewish Peoples' Order known as the Labour League until respectively.

The Canadian Slav Committee was formed in in an attempt to put party-aligned cultural associations for Ukrainians, Russians, Poles, Slovaks, Bulgarians, Macedonians, Yugoslavs and Carpatho-Rusyns under one umbrella.

The UJPO broke with the party in during the period of the "Khrushchev revelations" and allegations of antisemitism in the Soviet Union. Later allied organizations include the Greek Canadian Democratic Organization formed by leftists emigres who had fled the Greek military junta of — and the Portuguese Canadian Democratic Association which was formed by left-wing emigres who had left Portugal in the s and early s when it was still ruled by a right wing dictatorship.

The Portuguese association was outspoken in its support of the Carnation Revolution. The Communist Party of Canada's 38th convention held in May elected the following members to its leading body, the Central Executive Committee: There is also a larger body, the Central Committee , which is elected at convention and meets in intervening years.

A ninth candidate, Dorise Nielson , was a member of the Communist Party but ran and was elected as a Progressive Unity candidate. The Communist Party was banned in From until they ran candidates under the name Labor-Progressive Party. In , a new Elections Act came into effect which required a party to run at least 50 candidates in order to be considered an official party.

The Communist Party failed to reach that threshold and so its 32 candidates were officially considered to be independents. The party failed to register at least 50 candidates in time for the election.

As a result, the party was deregistered and its candidates ran as independents. Party status was not regained until prior to the general election. It is unknown how many party members ran in the and elections as independents. The Communist Party of Canada has provincial wings which contest general elections at the provincial level. In most provinces the provincial wing's name is in the format "Communist Party of Canada [Province] ". As outlined in its campaign for the federal election , the party advocates "fundamental change to end corporate control, and open the door to socialism and working class power" including the following goals and policies: The Communist Party also presents a more detailed programmatic document, "Canada's Future is Socialism" , which outlines the party's perspective on Canada today and the road to a socialist and ultimately communist society.

The party ran 28 candidates in the federal election under the slogan, "Dump Harper! For fundamental change, Vote Communist". From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see Communist Party of Canada disambiguation. Communist Party of Canada Parti communiste du Canada. Politics of Canada Political parties Elections.

Communist Party of Quebec. Communism history Marxism—Leninism Democratic centralism. Canadian politics portal Communism portal. Retrieved 15 October Retrieved 3 October Canada's Party of Socialism. Communism in history and theory. University of Toronto Press. Archived from the original on 4 October Retrieved June 1, Federal political parties and parliamentary groups in Canada.

Canadian politics List of political parties Politics of Canada. British Battalion Lincoln Battalion incl. Bill Alexander Edward K. Thompson Tom Wintringham Milton Wolff.

Retrieved from " https: All articles with dead external links Articles with dead external links from August Articles with permanently dead external links Articles containing French-language text All articles with unsourced statements Articles with unsourced statements from October Views Read Edit View history. In other projects Wikimedia Commons.

This page was last edited on 16 October , at If you are a victim of a sexual assault you can apply for compensation for reasonable expenses you have incurred as a result of the crime. To be able to apply for compensation you must have reported the crime to the police. You can apply for compensation if you have reported the crime even if no charges are laid or no one is convicted of the crime. The crime must have occurred in Saskatchewan.

Compensation may be awarded to cover expenses related to such matters as health care, ambulance costs, eyeglasses, dental work, lost earnings, and counselling, including the use of traditional Aboriginal healing methods. There are maximum amounts set out for each type of expense. If a victim receives money from other sources, such as an insurance plan or civil lawsuit, that amount may be deducted from any compensation.

A formal appeal process is also available in the case of disagreements about compensation decisions. Applications for compensation should be made as soon as possible.

Your local victim service providers, listed in the Where to go for Help section below, can help you with the application. Normally applications will not be accepted after two years have passed since the crime was committed.

Victims of sexual assaults, however, have two years from the time the crime was reported to the police to apply. A victim does not have to wait for the result of a police investigation or trial before applying. Application forms are available from local victim service providers, the Victims Services Branch in Regina, or from their website. If someone is charged with a crime they must go to court to answer the charges.

Sometimes an accused will decide to plead guilty to the charges. This means that the accused is admitting to committing the crime. In this case there does not need to be a trial. Depending on the circumstances the accused may decide to plead guilty early on in the process or much later, perhaps even during the trial.

If the accused does not plead guilty there will be a trial. Most often the person accused of the crime will appear in court a number of different times, even if they decide to plead guilty to the charges. Court dates can change and court proceedings may begin and then be adjourned. This means they will continue on another date.

Sometimes people only find out that a case is going to be adjourned when they arrive at the court house. Victim Services can help you find out when and where hearings and trials will take place. Victim Services can explain the court process and the terms used. They can arrange for a court orientation so you will know what to expect when you go to court.

Victim Services may be able to have someone go to court with you for support. You may also choose to have friends and family accompany you. Court proceedings are generally open to the public. However, the Criminal Code does specify some situations where the court may order that the public be excluded. Contact the Crown prosecutor if you have concerns about privacy in court. Publication bans must be granted in sexual offence cases to protect the identity of the victim if the victim or Crown prosecutor requests the order.

You can talk to the Crown prosecutor about requesting this order. A Preliminary Inquiry is a hearing to determine whether there is enough evidence to justify sending the case to trial. At the hearing the Crown prosecutor presents critical elements of the evidence against the accused.

Witnesses, including victims, may be called to testify. The charge will be dismissed if the judge decides that there is not enough evidence to justify a trial. If the judge finds there is enough evidence, a trial date is set, unless the accused pleads guilty. A person accused of a crime is presumed innocent until proven guilty. Trials are held before a judge alone or a judge and jury. At the start of the trial both the Crown prosecutor and the lawyer for the accused called the defence lawyer can make opening statements telling the court the main points of their case.

After this the Crown prosecutor presents the case for the prosecution and calls witnesses. The Crown prosecutor asks the witnesses questions to help them tell the court what they have seen or heard.

Then the defence lawyer can cross-examine the witnesses to challenge the evidence they gave. This is called the cross-examination. Once the defence lawyer is finished the Crown prosecutor can ask the witnesses more questions to make sure everything is clear. This is called redirect. Once the Crown prosecutor has finished presenting the case, the defence can present their side.

Because it is up to the Crown prosecutor to prove the case beyond a reasonable doubt, the defence can choose not to present any evidence. The accused does not have to testify. If the defence calls witnesses the Crown prosecutor can cross-examine the witnesses. The defence lawyer can then ask more questions of the witness on redirect. At the end of the trial the Crown prosecutor and the defence lawyer will make closing arguments. In these they will tell the court why they think the evidence shows that the accused is guilty or not guilty of the crime.

As the victim your testimony about what happened will be vital to the case against the accused. As a witness you will generally receive a subpoena, which is an order to appear in court and testify. You must appear in court to testify at the time and date stated in the subpoena. If you do not appear as required the court may issue a warrant for your arrest. If you refuse to testify you could be held in contempt of court and face a fine, or jail, or both. Often it is difficult to testify about what happened.

You may have fears and concerns about testifying in court, or be worried about giving personal information. Speaking in open court about what happened may be very hard. There is support and help available.

Victim Services can help to make testifying easier by answering questions about the court process and supporting you through your experience as a witness. You can talk to Victim Services or the Crown prosecutor about any help you need. You may also be unsure about understanding and answering questions well. You may be worried about not remembering important dates, times or other details. These concerns are normal. You can ask to meet with the Crown prosecutor to discuss what you have to say as a witness.

The defence lawyer may also ask to talk to you before you testify. You can meet with the defence lawyer if you want to, but you do not have to. If this happens to you, tell the police or Crown prosecutor right away. When you get to court you will have to wait outside of the courtroom until it is your turn to testify. In larger communities, Victim Services provides safe, private waiting rooms for children and other vulnerable witnesses. One of the court staff will call you when it is time for you to testify.

Before testifying, adult witnesses must take an oath or solemnly affirm to tell the truth. Witnesses under the age of 14 are not required to take an oath or make a solemn affirmation before testifying.

Instead, they may testify once they have promised to tell the truth. Once you have taken an oath or affirmed to tell the truth the Crown prosecutor will ask you questions to help you tell the court what happened. The defence lawyer can then also ask you questions. Normally witnesses have to testify in open court. In some circumstances witnesses may be allowed to testify behind a screen, from outside the courtroom by video conference or by closed-circuit television.

In some circumstances witnesses can have a support person with them while they give their testimony. Many sexual assault survivors are concerned about being required to answer invasive personal questions, particularly questions about their sex life. If the charges are proven beyond a reasonable doubt at trial, the judge or jury finds the accused person guilty. If the charges are not proven, the accused is found not guilty.

Another way of saying this is that the person accused of the crime is acquitted. If you are not in the courtroom for the verdict you can ask the Crown prosecutor or Victim Services what the outcome of the trial was. As a victim you may not be satisfied with the way the trial turned out.

For example, an accused may be acquitted even though you thought there was enough evidence for a conviction. If an accused is acquitted it does not necessarily mean that you were not believed. Our laws presume that someone is innocent unless their guilt is proved in court beyond a reasonable doubt. This means it is not enough if the judge thinks the accused probably committed the crime. The judge must be convinced that a guilty verdict is the only reasonable conclusion that could be reached from all the evidence, including your testimony.

If you are unsatisfied with how a trial turned out it may help to talk about your reactions with someone you trust. A Victim Impact Statement gives you a chance to let the court know how the crime has affected your life. All victims must be informed that they can prepare a statement. All victims can decide for themselves whether they want to complete a Victim Impact Statement.

In the statement you can describe any physical, emotional or financial impacts of the crime. The statement is about you, not the accused, and should describe how the crime has affected you and any losses you have suffered because of the crime. The police or Victim Services will provide you with a form to fill out and sign. You may receive assistance in filling out the form but it must be completed in your own words. Your writing must be readable.

Since sentencing may take place earlier than expected, it is a good idea to prepare your Victim Impact Statement ahead of the anticipated court date. You may update your statement any time before sentencing by contacting the police or the Crown prosecutor. If the case goes to court the Crown prosecutor must disclose the Victim Impact Statement to the accused. It will only be filed with the court if there is a finding of guilt. If you testify at a preliminary hearing, trial or sentencing hearing you may be cross-examined by the defence lawyer about your Victim Impact Statement.

Once your statement is filed with the court it becomes a public document. This means that it will be seen by many people responsible for the administration of justice. This could include, for example, a Crown prosecutor preparing for a bail hearing, probation staff who are supervising the offender on probation and corrections staff who are making decisions about the release of an offender from jail. Because it is a public document the contents could be reported in the media but if there is a publication ban no information that would disclose your identity can be published.

The judge will consider your statement at the time of sentencing but the judge may decide not to allow certain parts of your statement to be used in court.

The judge can postpone sentencing to give you time to prepare a statement, if you have not already done so. You can ask to read your Victim Impact Statement out loud in court. If you want to read it out loud in court you must tell the Crown prosecutor. If you do not want to read it yourself you can ask the judge to have someone read it for you.

The judge will decide whether to allow this. You can present your statement in any way that the court approves. Whether the statement is read aloud or not, the judge will consider it when sentencing the offender.

If an accused is found guilty they will be sentenced. Things like pre-sentence reports and Victim Impact Statements can help the court decide on a sentence. There are a wide range of sentences that are possible when someone is convicted of sexual assault. The maximum sentence for sexual assault that does not involve things like a weapon or bodily harm is 18 months, if it is prosecuted as a summary conviction offence, and 10 years, if it is prosecuted as an indictable offence.

However, if the victim of the sexual assault is under 16 there is a minimum sentence of 90 days in jail if the offence is prosecuted as a summary conviction offence and one year in jail if the offence is prosecuted as an indictable offence. The prosecutor decides whether to prosecute the offence as a summary conviction offence or an indictable offence depending on the circumstances of the assault.

If a person is convicted of sexual assault with a weapon, threats to a third party or causing bodily harm they can be sentenced to up to 14 years in prison.

If a person is convicted of aggravated sexual assault they can be sentenced to life in prison. If a firearm was used in the assault or if organized crime was involved there are minimum sentences ranging from 4 to 7 years in prison. It is important to remember that the maximum sentences are usually reserved for the worst offender who has committed the worst type of the offence.

If you are not there when the sentence is decided Victim Services can tell you what sentence the offender received. Contact your local municipal police service or RCMP detachment using the number in your phone book or call in an emergency. Police-based victim services are available throughout the province.

Contact your local police or Victims Services at the Ministry of Justice, or visit www. The front of your SaskTel phone book has contact information for abuse help lines, shelters and counselling and support services in your area. If you have experienced sexual violence you can receive free legal advice to help make an informed decision about your legal options.

To be eligible the sexual violence must have taken place in Saskatchewan. The incident can be something that happened in the past. The incident does not have to be reported to the police for individuals to qualify. Funding for this program has been generously provided by Justice Canada, with the support of the Saskatchewan Ministry of Justice.

If you would like a response, please include your email address. After Sexual Assault Print. Rights of Victims of Sexual Assault You have the right to refuse sexual contact; no one is allowed to force unwanted sexual contact under any circumstances. You have the right to know that your sexual assault is a crime which has been committed against you. You have the right to be treated by persons who know that you are not to blame for your sexual assault.

You have the right to be treated with dignity, compassion and respect. You have the right to privacy and confidentiality. You have the right to have your safety and security considered at all stages of the process. You have the right to have reasonable, appropriate and necessary measures taken to protect you from intimidation and retaliation.

You have the right to be treated for the physical effects of sexual assault without cost. You have the right to be given a full explanation of medical and treatment choices, of legal processes, and of the resources and services that are available to you. You have the right to fully participate in all decisions related to your care.

You have the right to be fully supported in your decisions. You have the right to ask questions and to receive honest answers. If you are 18 or over, you have the right to decide if you want to report your sexual assault to police. The law requires a sexual assault committed against anyone under 18 to be reported. If you choose to report your sexual assault to police, you have the right to be examined by a competent forensic examiner. You have the right to receive information on care and treatment of any potential future physical and emotional health problems related to this event.

You have the right to information about options to raise your concerns if you believe your rights have not been respected, including information about filing a complaint. Safety and Support Following a sexual assault your first concern may be for your own safety. Is it OK to bathe and change my clothes? How do I preserve evidence? You can preserve evidence at the scene by not cleaning or removing items at the scene.

You can preserve evidence on your body by Medical Attention If I am not physically injured do I still need to go to the hospital? When should I go to the hospital? These treatments can include Reporting to the Police Do I have to report the assault to the police? Is there a time limit on when I can report the assault? Unless someone is physically harmed, a person who has been sexually assaulted will not suffer any long-term effects.

What Survivors Can Do One of the most important things for survivors of sexual assault is knowing that they are not alone and that there is help available. Friends and Family of the Sexually Assaulted Sexual assault of someone close can impact family and friends as well.

Encourage them to seek medical care and counselling. Accompany them if they wish. Things you can say to a sexual assault survivor Legal Definition of Sexual Assault The law recognizes the right of every person to choose whether to have sexual contact with another person. Sexual assault is a crime of passion.

Can my spouse, partner or someone I have been dating be charged with sexually assaulting me? There are three levels of sexual assault based on the degree of force used. Consent No always means no and only yes, expressed by your words or actions, means yes. Someone who was drinking or drunk when sexually assaulted is at least partially to blame. What happens if the person who assaulted me was so drunk that they thought I agreed to the activity? What if I initially agreed to the activity and then I changed my mind?

What if someone else told the person who assaulted me that I wanted to have sex with them? No one else can consent on your behalf. What if I did not want to consent but was afraid to refuse because my attacker threatened to hurt my family if I did not agree to the activity?

Experiencing Drug-Facilitated Sexual Assault Drugs may be processed by the body quickly so it can be difficult to detect them. Registration and Triage The admitting clerk will ask for your name, date of birth, address, and hospitalization number. You will then see a triage nurse who will ask a few questions about your reason for coming to the hospital.

You need to tell the triage nurse only that you were sexually assaulted. The unemployment problem ended with the mobilization for war. Out of a labor force of 54 million, unemployment fell in half from 7. Greater wartime production created millions of new jobs, while the draft reduced the number of young men available for civilian jobs. So great was the demand for labor that millions of retired people, housewives, and students entered the labor force, lured by patriotism and wages.

Before the war most groceries, dry cleaners, drugstores, and department stores offered home delivery service. The labor shortage and gasoline and tire rationing caused most retailers to stop delivery. They found that requiring customers to buy their products in person increased sales. Women also joined the workforce to replace men who had joined the forces, though in fewer numbers. Roosevelt stated that the efforts of civilians at home to support the war through personal sacrifice was as critical to winning the war as the efforts of the soldiers themselves.

The war effort brought about significant changes in the role of women in society as a whole. When the male breadwinner returned, wives could stop working. At the end of the war, most of the munitions-making jobs ended.

Many factories were closed; others retooled for civilian production. In some jobs women were replaced by returning veterans who did not lose seniority because they were in service. Many women working in machinery factories and more were taken out of the work force. Many of these former factory workers found other work at kitchens, being teachers, etc.

The table shows the development of the United States labor force by sex during the war years. Women also took on new roles in sport and entertainment, which opened to them as more and more men were drafted. Night games offered affordable, patriotic entertainment to working Americans who had flocked to wartime jobs in the Midwest hubs of Chicago and Detroit although better paid than in the prewar Depression, most industrial war workers were on gas and tire rationing, limiting them to local recreation options.

The League provided a novelty entertainment of girls who played hardball as well as men, executing traditional baseball skills of sliding and double-plays while wearing short, feminine uniform skirts.

Players as young as fifteen were recruited from farm families and urban industrial teams, chaperoned on the road and subject to strict rules of behavior that included mandatory makeup and feminine hair styling, no drinking or smoking, no swearing, no fraternization with men, and no wearing pants in public; moreover, the League only recruited white players. Fans supported the League to the extent that it continued well past the conclusion of the war, lasting through Labor shortages were felt in agriculture, even though most farmers were given an exemption and few were drafted.

Large numbers volunteered or moved to cities for factory jobs. At the same time many agricultural commodities were in greater demand by the military and for the civilian populations of Allies. Production was encouraged and prices and markets were under tight federal control.

Children were encouraged to help with these farms, too. The Bracero Program , a bi-national labor agreement between Mexico and the U. Some , braceros "strong arms," in Spanish were recruited and contracted to work in the agriculture fields. Between and some , Italian and German prisoners of war were used as farm laborers, loggers, and cannery workers. In Michigan, for example, the POWs accounted for more than one-third of the state's agricultural production and food processing in To help with the need for a larger source of food, the nation looked to school-aged children to help on farms.

Schools often had a victory garden in vacant parking lots and on roofs. Children would help on these farms to help with the war effort. With the war's ever increasing need for able bodied men consuming America's labor force in the early s, industry turned to teen-aged boys and girls to fill in as replacements.

The lures of patriotism, adulthood, and money led many youth to drop out of school and take a defense job. Between and , the number of teenage workers increased by 1. The war mobilization changed the relationship of the Congress of Industrial Organizations CIO with both employers and the national government.

Nearly all the unions that belonged to the CIO were fully supportive of both the war effort and of the Roosevelt administration. However the United Mine Workers, who had taken an isolationist stand in the years leading up to the war and had opposed Roosevelt's reelection in , left the CIO in The major unions supported a wartime no-strike pledge that aimed to eliminate not only major strikes for new contracts, but also the innumerable small strikes called by shop stewards and local union leadership to protest particular grievances.

In return for labor's no-strike pledge, the government offered arbitration to determine the wages and other terms of new contracts. Those procedures produced modest wage increases during the first few years of the war but not enough to keep up with inflation, particularly when combined with the slowness of the arbitration machinery. Even though the complaints from union members about the no-strike pledge became louder and more bitter, the CIO did not abandon it.

The Mine Workers, by contrast, who did not belong to either the AFL or the CIO for much of the war, threatened numerous strikes including a successful twelve-day strike in The strikes and threats made mine leader John L. Lewis a much hated man and led to legislation hostile to unions.

All the major unions grew stronger during the war. The government put pressure on employers to recognize unions to avoid the sort of turbulent struggles over union recognition of the s, while unions were generally able to obtain maintenance of membership clauses, a form of union security , through arbitration and negotiation.

Employers gave workers new untaxed benefits such as vacation time, pensions, and health insurance , which increased real incomes even when wage rates were frozen. The experience of bargaining on a national basis, while restraining local unions from striking, also tended to accelerate the trend toward bureaucracy within the larger CIO unions. Some, such as the Steelworkers, had always been centralized organizations in which authority for major decisions resided at the top.

The UAW, by contrast, had always been a more grassroots organization, but it also started to try to rein in its maverick local leadership during these years. The CIO leadership, particularly those in further left unions such as the Packinghouse Workers, the UAW, the NMU, and the Transport Workers, undertook serious efforts to suppress hate strikes, to educate their membership, and to support the Roosevelt Administration's tentative efforts to remedy racial discrimination in war industries through the Fair Employment Practices Commission.

Those unions contrasted their relatively bold attack on the problem with the timidity and racism of the AFL. The CIO unions were progressive in dealing with gender discrimination in wartime industry, which now employed many more women workers in nontraditional jobs.

Unions that had represented large numbers of women workers before the war, such as the UE electrical workers and the Food and Tobacco Workers , had fairly good records of fighting discrimination against women.

Most union leaders saw women as temporary wartime replacements for the men in the armed forces. It was important that the wages of these women be kept high so that the veterans would get high wages.

Early in the war, it became apparent that German U-boats were using the backlighting of coastal cities in the Eastern Seaboard and the South to destroy ships exiting harbors. It became the first duties of civilians recruited for local civilian defense to ensure that lights were either off or thick curtains drawn over all windows at night.

State Guards were reformed for internal security duties to replace the National Guardsmen who were federalized and sent overseas. The Civil Air Patrol was established, which enrolled civilian spotters in air reconnaissance, search-and-rescue, and transport. Its Coast Guard counterpart, the Coast Guard Auxiliary , used civilian boats and crews in similar rescue roles.

Towers were built in coastal and border towns, and spotters were trained to recognize enemy aircraft. Blackouts were practiced in every city, even those far from the coast. All exterior lighting had to be extinguished, and black-out curtains placed over windows. The main purpose was to remind people that there was a war on and to provide activities that would engage the civil spirit of millions of people not otherwise involved in the war effort.

In large part, this effort was successful, sometimes almost to a fault, such as the Plains states where many dedicated aircraft spotters took up their posts night after night watching the skies in an area of the country that no enemy aircraft of that time could possibly hope to reach.

Roosevelt to provide morale and recreation services to uniformed military personnel. The USO brought together six civilian agencies: Other women previously employed only in the home, or in traditionally female work, took jobs in factories that directly supported the war effort, or filled jobs vacated by men who had entered military service.

Enrollment in high schools and colleges plunged as many high school and college students dropped out to take war jobs. Various items, previously discarded, were saved after use for what was called "recycling" years later. Families were requested to save fat drippings from cooking for use in soap making. Neighborhood "scrap drives" collected scrap copper and brass for use in artillery shells.

Milkweed was harvested by children ostensibly for lifejackets. In , Congress passed the first peace-time draft legislation. It was renewed by one vote in summer It involved questions as to who should control the draft, the size of the army, and the need for deferments. The system worked through local draft boards comprising community leaders who were given quotas and then decided how to fill them. There was very little draft resistance. The nation went from a surplus manpower pool with high unemployment and relief in to a severe manpower shortage by Industry realized that the Army urgently desired production of essential war materials and foodstuffs more than soldiers.

Large numbers of soldiers were not used until the invasion of Europe in summer In —43 the Army often transferred soldiers to civilian status in the Enlisted Reserve Corps in order to increase production. Those transferred would return to work in essential industry, although they could be recalled to active duty if the Army needed them. Others were discharged if their civilian work was deemed essential. There were instances of mass releases of men to increase production in various industries.

Working men who had been classified 4F or otherwise ineligible for the draft took second jobs. In the figure below an overview of the development of the United States labor force, the armed forces and unemployment during the war years. One contentious issue involved the drafting of fathers, which was avoided as much as possible. The drafting of year-olds was desired by the military but vetoed by public opinion. Racial minorities were drafted at the same rate as Whites, and were paid the same, but blacks were kept in all-black units.

The experience of World War I regarding men needed by industry was particularly unsatisfactory—too many skilled mechanics and engineers became privates there is a possibly apocryphal story of a banker assigned as a baker due to a clerical error, noted by historian Lee Kennett in his book "G.

Later in the war, in light of the tremendous amount of manpower that would be necessary for the invasion of France in , many earlier deferment categories became draft eligible.

The churches showed much less pacifism than in The Church of God , based in Anderson, Indiana , had a strong pacifist element, reaching a high point in the late s. These churches helped their young men to both become conscientious objectors and to provide valuable service to the nation. Goshen College set up a training program for unpaid Civilian Public Service jobs. Although the young women pacifists were not liable to the draft, they volunteered for unpaid Civilian Public Service jobs to demonstrate their patriotism; many worked in mental hospitals.

Civilian support for the war was widespread, with isolated cases of draft resistance. Some enemy aliens were held without trial during the entire war. There was large-scale migration to industrial centers, especially on the West Coast. Millions of wives followed their husbands to military camps; for many families, especially from farms, the moves were permanent. One survey of migrants in Portland, Oregon and San Diego found that three quarters wanted to stay after the war.

Large numbers of African Americans left the cotton fields and headed for the cities. Housing was increasingly difficult to find in industrial centers, as there was no new non-military construction.

Commuting by car was limited by gasoline rationing. People car pooled or took public transportation, which was severely overcrowded. Trains were heavily booked, with uniformed military personnel taking priority, so people limited vacation and long-distance travel.

The large-scale movement of blacks from the rural South to defense centers in the North and some in the South led to small-scale local confrontations over jobs and housing shortages. Washington feared a major race war.

The home front of the United States in World War II supported the war effort in many ways, including a wide range of volunteer efforts and submitting to government-managed rationing and price www.siliconirelandnewswire.com was a general feeling of agreement that the sacrifices were for the national good "for the duration [of the war]." The labor market changed radically. Peacetime conflicts with respect to. The legendary copywriter Gary Halbert once said, “If you want people to buy something, stomp on their greed glands until they bleed.” Graphic, yes, but also true. Skim through good sales copy, and you’ll find a lot of these power words. Many of them are so overused they’ve become cliché. The Communist Party of Canada (French: Parti communiste du Canada, CPC/PCC) is a communist political party in Canada founded in under conditions of illegality. Although it is now a political party without any elected political representation, the party's candidates have been elected to the Parliament of Canada, the Ontario legislature, the Manitoba legislature, and various municipal.