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Bartholdi completed the head and the torch-bearing arm before the statue was fully designed, and these pieces were exhibited for publicity at international expositions. The torch-bearing arm was displayed at the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia in , and in Madison Square Park in Manhattan from to Fundraising proved difficult, especially for the Americans, and by work on the pedestal was threatened by lack of funds. The statue was built in France, shipped overseas in crates, and assembled on the completed pedestal on what was then called Bedloe's Island.
The statue's completion was marked by New York's first ticker-tape parade and a dedication ceremony presided over by President Grover Cleveland. The statue was administered by the United States Lighthouse Board until and then by the Department of War ; since it has been maintained by the National Park Service.
Public access to the balcony around the torch has been barred for safety since In after-dinner conversation at his home near Versailles , Laboulaye, an ardent supporter of the Union in the American Civil War , is supposed to have said: In order to honor these achievements, Laboulaye proposed that a gift be built for the United States on behalf of France. Laboulaye hoped that by calling attention to the recent achievements of the United States, the French people would be inspired to call for their own democracy in the face of a repressive monarchy.
Bartholdi was in any event busy with other possible projects; in the late s, he approached Isma'il Pasha , Khedive of Egypt , with a plan to build Progress or Egypt Carrying the Light to Asia ,  a huge lighthouse in the form of an ancient Egyptian female fellah or peasant, robed and holding a torch aloft, at the northern entrance to the Suez Canal in Port Said. Sketches and models were made of the proposed work, though it was never erected.
There was a classical precedent for the Suez proposal, the Colossus of Rhodes: Any large project was further delayed by the Franco-Prussian War , in which Bartholdi served as a major of militia.
In the war, Napoleon III was captured and deposed. Bartholdi's home province of Alsace was lost to the Prussians , and a more liberal republic was installed in France. Arriving at New York Harbor , Bartholdi focused on Bedloe's Island now named Liberty Island as a site for the statue, struck by the fact that vessels arriving in New York had to sail past it. He was delighted to learn that the island was owned by the United States government—it had been ceded by the New York State Legislature in for harbor defense.
It was thus, as he put it in a letter to Laboulaye: Grant , who assured him that it would not be difficult to obtain the site for the statue. Bartholdi had made a first model of his concept in Bartholdi continued to develop the concept following his return to France. One of these was the Lion of Belfort , a monumental sculpture carved in sandstone below the fortress of Belfort , which during the war had resisted a Prussian siege for over three months.
Bartholdi and Laboulaye considered how best to express the idea of American liberty. Columbia had supplanted the earlier figure of an Indian princess , which had come to be regarded as uncivilized and derogatory toward Americans. A Liberty figure adorned most American coins of the time,  and representations of Liberty appeared in popular and civic art, including Thomas Crawford 's Statue of Freedom atop the dome of the United States Capitol Building.
Artists of the 18th and 19th centuries striving to evoke republican ideals commonly used representations of Libertas as an allegorical symbol. In this painting, which commemorates France's July Revolution , a half-clothed Liberty leads an armed mob over the bodies of the fallen. Crawford's statue was designed in the early s. It was originally to be crowned with a pileus , the cap given to emancipated slaves in ancient Rome.
Secretary of War Jefferson Davis , a Southerner who would later serve as President of the Confederate States of America , was concerned that the pileus would be taken as an abolitionist symbol. He ordered that it be changed to a helmet. Instead, he used a diadem , or crown, to top its head. Bartholdi's early models were all similar in concept: According to popular accounts, the face was modeled after that of Charlotte Beysser Bartholdi, the sculptor's mother,  but Regis Huber, the curator of the Bartholdi Museum is on record as saying that this, as well as other similar speculations, have no basis in fact.
He gave it bold classical contours and applied simplified modeling, reflecting the huge scale of the project and its solemn purpose. The surfaces should be broad and simple, defined by a bold and clear design, accentuated in the important places. The enlargement of the details or their multiplicity is to be feared. By exaggerating the forms, in order to render them more clearly visible, or by enriching them with details, we would destroy the proportion of the work.
Finally, the model, like the design, should have a summarized character, such as one would give to a rapid sketch. Only it is necessary that this character should be the product of volition and study, and that the artist, concentrating his knowledge, should find the form and the line in its greatest simplicity. Bartholdi made alterations in the design as the project evolved.
Bartholdi considered having Liberty hold a broken chain, but decided this would be too divisive in the days after the Civil War. The erected statue does stride over a broken chain, half-hidden by her robes and difficult to see from the ground. By , France was enjoying improved political stability and a recovering postwar economy. Growing interest in the upcoming Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia led Laboulaye to decide it was time to seek public support.
With the announcement, the statue was given a name, Liberty Enlightening the World. Despite its initial focus on the elites, the Union was successful in raising funds from across French society. Laboulaye's political allies supported the call, as did descendants of the French contingent in the American Revolutionary War. Less idealistically, contributions came from those who hoped for American support in the French attempt to build the Panama Canal.
The copper may have come from multiple sources and some of it is said to have come from a mine in Visnes , Norway,  though this has not been conclusively determined after testing samples. Although plans for the statue had not been finalized, Bartholdi moved forward with fabrication of the right arm, bearing the torch, and the head. The exhibition grounds contained a number of monumental artworks to compete for fairgoers' interest, including an outsized fountain designed by Bartholdi.
During his second trip to the United States, Bartholdi addressed a number of groups about the project, and urged the formation of American committees of the Franco-American Union. Hayes , who took office the following day, selected the Bedloe's Island site that Bartholdi had proposed. On his return to Paris in , Bartholdi concentrated on completing the head, which was exhibited at the Paris World's Fair. Fundraising continued, with models of the statue put on sale.
The head and arm had been built with assistance from Viollet-le-Duc, who fell ill in He soon died, leaving no indication of how he intended to transition from the copper skin to his proposed masonry pier. Eiffel opted not to use a completely rigid structure, which would force stresses to accumulate in the skin and lead eventually to cracking.
A secondary skeleton was attached to the center pylon, then, to enable the statue to move slightly in the winds of New York Harbor and as the metal expanded on hot summer days, he loosely connected the support structure to the skin using flat iron bars  which culminated in a mesh of metal straps, known as "saddles", that were riveted to the skin, providing firm support.
In a labor-intensive process, each saddle had to be crafted individually. Eiffel's design made the statue one of the earliest examples of curtain wall construction, in which the exterior of the structure is not load bearing , but is instead supported by an interior framework.
He included two interior spiral staircases , to make it easier for visitors to reach the observation point in the crown. The change in structural material from masonry to iron allowed Bartholdi to change his plans for the statue's assembly. He had originally expected to assemble the skin on-site as the masonry pier was built; instead he decided to build the statue in France and have it disassembled and transported to the United States for reassembly in place on Bedloe's Island.
In a symbolic act, the first rivet placed into the skin, fixing a copper plate onto the statue's big toe, was driven by United States Ambassador to France Levi P. He was succeeded as chairman of the French committee by Ferdinand de Lesseps , builder of the Suez Canal. The completed statue was formally presented to Ambassador Morton at a ceremony in Paris on July 4, , and de Lesseps announced that the French government had agreed to pay for its transport to New York.
The committees in the United States faced great difficulties in obtaining funds for the construction of the pedestal. The Panic of had led to an economic depression that persisted through much of the decade. The Liberty statue project was not the only such undertaking that had difficulty raising money: In the years following the Civil War, most Americans preferred realistic artworks depicting heroes and events from the nation's history, rather than allegorical works like the Liberty statue.
Bartholdi and our French cousins had 'gone the whole figure' while they were about it, and given us statue and pedestal at once. The foundation of Bartholdi's statue was to be laid inside Fort Wood , a disused army base on Bedloe's Island constructed between and Since , it had rarely been used, though during the Civil War, it had served as a recruiting station.
The statue's foundation and pedestal were aligned so that it would face southeast, greeting ships entering the harbor from the Atlantic Ocean. Within months, Hunt submitted a detailed plan, indicating that he expected construction to take about nine months. Hunt's pedestal design contains elements of classical architecture, including Doric portals, as well as some elements influenced by Aztec architecture. The four sides are identical in appearance. Above the door on each side, there are ten disks upon which Bartholdi proposed to place the coats of arms of the states between and , there were 38 U.
Above that, a balcony was placed on each side, framed by pillars. Bartholdi placed an observation platform near the top of the pedestal, above which the statue itself rises. Financial concerns again forced him to revise his plans; the final design called for poured concrete walls, up to 20 feet 6. His work involved design computations, detailed fabrication and construction drawings, and oversight of construction.
Fundraising for the statue had begun in The committee organized a large number of money-raising events. She initially declined, stating she could not write a poem about a statue. At the time, she was also involved in aiding refugees to New York who had fled anti-Semitic pogroms in eastern Europe. These refugees were forced to live in conditions that the wealthy Lazarus had never experienced. She saw a way to express her empathy for these refugees in terms of the statue.
Even with these efforts, fundraising lagged. With the project in jeopardy, groups from other American cities, including Boston and Philadelphia, offered to pay the full cost of erecting the statue in return for relocating it. New Yorkers displayed their new-found enthusiasm for the statue.
Two hundred thousand people lined the docks and hundreds of boats put to sea to welcome the ship. Even with the success of the fund drive, the pedestal was not completed until April Immediately thereafter, reassembly of the statue began. Eiffel's iron framework was anchored to steel I-beams within the concrete pedestal and assembled.
Nevertheless, no one died during the construction. Instead, Bartholdi cut portholes in the torch—which was covered with gold leaf —and placed the lights inside them. A ceremony of dedication was held on the afternoon of October 28, President Grover Cleveland, the former New York governor, presided over the event. President Cleveland headed the procession, then stood in the reviewing stand to see bands and marchers from across America.
General Stone was the grand marshal of the parade. The route began at Madison Square , once the venue for the arm, and proceeded to the Battery at the southern tip of Manhattan by way of Fifth Avenue and Broadway , with a slight detour so the parade could pass in front of the World building on Park Row. As the parade passed the New York Stock Exchange, traders threw ticker tape from the windows, beginning the New York tradition of the ticker-tape parade. A nautical parade began at A French flag draped across the statue's face was to be lowered to unveil the statue at the close of Evarts's speech, but Bartholdi mistook a pause as the conclusion and let the flag fall prematurely.
The ensuing cheers put an end to Evarts's address. Depew concluded the speechmaking with a lengthy address. No members of the general public were permitted on the island during the ceremonies, which were reserved entirely for dignitaries.
The only females granted access were Bartholdi's wife and de Lesseps's granddaughter; officials stated that they feared women might be injured in the crush of people.
The restriction offended area suffragists , who chartered a boat and got as close as they could to the island. The group's leaders made speeches applauding the embodiment of Liberty as a woman and advocating women's right to vote. Shortly after the dedication, The Cleveland Gazette , an African American newspaper, suggested that the statue's torch not be lit until the United States became a free nation "in reality":.
The expression makes us sick. This government is a howling farce. It can not or rather does not protect its citizens within its own borders. Shove the Bartholdi statue, torch and all, into the ocean until the "liberty" of this country is such as to make it possible for an inoffensive and industrious colored man to earn a respectable living for himself and family, without being ku-kluxed , perhaps murdered, his daughter and wife outraged, and his property destroyed.
The idea of the "liberty" of this country "enlightening the world," or even Patagonia , is ridiculous in the extreme. When the torch was illuminated on the evening of the statue's dedication, it produced only a faint gleam, barely visible from Manhattan.
The World characterized it as "more like a glowworm than a beacon. The United States Lighthouse Board took over the Statue of Liberty in and pledged to install equipment to enhance the torch's effect; in spite of its efforts, the statue remained virtually invisible at night. When Bartholdi returned to the United States in , he made additional suggestions, all of which proved ineffective.
He did successfully lobby for improved lighting within the statue, allowing visitors to better appreciate Eiffel's design. The statue rapidly became a landmark. Many immigrants who entered through New York saw it as a welcoming sight. Oral histories of immigrants record their feelings of exhilaration on first viewing the Statue of Liberty. One immigrant who arrived from Greece recalled:. I saw the Statue of Liberty. And I said to myself, "Lady, you're such a beautiful! Give me a chance to prove that I am worth it, to do something, to be someone in America.
Originally, the statue was a dull copper color, but shortly after a green patina , also called verdigris , caused by the oxidation of the copper skin, began to spread. As early as it was mentioned in the press; by it had entirely covered the statue. The Corps of Engineers also installed an elevator to take visitors from the base to the top of the pedestal. Carloads of dynamite and other explosives that were being sent to Britain and France for their war efforts were detonated, and seven people were killed.
The statue sustained minor damage, mostly to the torch-bearing right arm, and was closed for ten days. The narrow ascent to the torch was closed for public-safety reasons, and it has remained closed ever since.
He claimed over 80, contributors, but failed to reach the goal. The difference was quietly made up by a gift from a wealthy donor—a fact that was not revealed until An underwater power cable brought electricity from the mainland and floodlights were placed along the walls of Fort Wood.
Gutzon Borglum , who later sculpted Mount Rushmore , redesigned the torch, replacing much of the original copper with stained glass. On December 2, , President Woodrow Wilson pressed the telegraph key that turned on the lights, successfully illuminating the statue.
After the United States entered World War I in , images of the statue were heavily used in both recruitment posters and the Liberty Bond drives that urged American citizens to support the war financially. This impressed upon the public the war's stated purpose—to secure liberty—and served as a reminder that embattled France had given the United States the statue. The WPA also carried out restoration work within the statue, temporarily removing the rays from the statue's halo so their rusted supports could be replaced.
Rusted cast-iron steps in the pedestal were replaced with new ones made of reinforced concrete;  the upper parts of the stairways within the statue were replaced, as well. Copper sheathing was installed to prevent further damage from rainwater that had been seeping into the pedestal.
During World War II, the statue remained open to visitors, although it was not illuminated at night due to wartime blackouts. It was lit briefly on December 31, , and on D-Day , June 6, , when its lights flashed "dot-dot-dot-dash", the Morse code for V, for victory.
New, powerful lighting was installed in —, and beginning on V-E Day , the statue was once again illuminated after sunset. The lighting was for only a few hours each evening, and it was not until that the statue was illuminated every night, all night. The act also mentioned the efforts to found an American Museum of Immigration on the island, which backers took as federal approval of the project, though the government was slow to grant funds for it.
The museum's backers never provided it with an endowment to secure its future and it closed in after the opening of an immigration museum on Ellis Island.
Beginning December 26, , 15 anti-Vietnam War veterans occupied the statue, flying a US flag upside down from her crown. They left December 28 following a Federal Court order. A powerful new lighting system was installed in advance of the American Bicentennial in The statue was the focal point for Operation Sail , a regatta of tall ships from all over the world that entered New York Harbor on July 4, , and sailed around Liberty Island.
The statue was examined in great detail by French and American engineers as part of the planning for its centennial in Careful study had revealed that the right arm had been improperly attached to the main structure.
It was swaying more and more when strong winds blew and there was a significant risk of structural failure. But certainly those shown on the roof here, and some of those in no.
The construction on piles shown here and in the fieldwatcher's hut no. There is one reference to a pile dwelling among the Massachusetts, but none are known in the south-east the Key Marco archaeological instance cited by Swanton is based on aninterpretation not generally accepted.
II , pp. Stewart, 'An ossuary at the Indian village site of Patawomeke Potomac ', Explorations and field-work of the Smithsonian Institution in , pp. Lyford, 'The crafts of the Ojibwa Chippewa ', U. Seventeen Indians ten men, seven women are dancing within and around a circle of seven upright posts, somewhat taller than a man, defined on the ground by a path outside them.
The tops of the posts are carved in the form of human heads which appear to be draped and to have the features painted in pale grey and reddish colours, touched with white. The dancers may be divided into three groups: Numbering the dancers clockwise from a post at the bottom, left of centre: She is dressed in a fringed skin mantle which hangs over her left shoulder and reveals the fur on the fold. The mantle appears to be tied round the waist with a band or string into which is tucked a skin bag with fringed ends which hangs down behind.
Her hair sticks out in a fringe at the front and is tied behind at the neck and she probably has a headband. She appears to have a small bracelet on her right wrist. She is tattooed or painted on the upper arms and holds in her left hand a gourd rattle with a stick handle; her right hand clasps that of her neighbour; 2 a man to the left of the post, seen from the back, his head turned to the left, is balanced on his right foot with his left leg raised high, the knee fully bent and his right arm raised above his head, a twig in his hand; his left hand is thrust behind his back and holds a gourd rattle.
He is wearing a single apron-skirt, secured by a thong round his waist, from which a skin bag hangs over his right hip. His hair is short at the side with a roach down the middle into which two feathers are stuck.
Apparently, from his right ear an ornament or tobacco pipe? On the left side of his back are three or four designs, perhaps downward-pointing arrows; 3 below the post furthest to the left a man seen from the back is in a similar posture, but with his right knee raised, the rattle in red body-colour in his right hand held above his head, and a twig in his left which he holds away from his body.
His dress is also similar but he wears his bag on the left. The sides of his head are seen to be shaven and the roach comes to a point on the nape of his neck. He seems to be wearing five feathers on his head, one above each ear and three sticking in the roach.
On his left shoulder there is a design, perhaps a small animal within a shield-like border; 4 a woman, facing front and to the left of the post, is balanced on her right foot, the left pulled up behind her, and is holding a twig in her right hand and another in her left which is stretched across the front of her body.
She is wearing a double apron-skirt. Her hair is fringed on the forehead, worn long and caught up at the neck. An ornament is just visible near her left ear, which may be a string of beads or pearls hanging down on the left side of her head. She has a two- or three-strand necklace and tattooed or painted ornaments on her left upper arm and wrist; 5 a man facing front, to the right of the next post, his right leg thrust out behind him, is balanced on the ball of his left foot.
His left hand is raised above his head and holds a twig, while his right grasps a rattle held out from his side. He apparently wears a single apron-skirt. His hair stands in a roach into which are stuck three feathers, and he wears another above each ear.
He has a long two- or three-string necklace; 6 a man, facing half-right, and to the right of the post, has his left knee raised up towards his left arm which is stretched out in front. His right hand is raised above his head and holds a gourd rattle.
He is wearing a breech-clout lapped over a thong round the waist, into which is tucked a skin bag hanging over the right hip. His hair is dressed in a similar fashion to that of the other men already described, and a single feather is stuck in the roach, another appearing above each ear. He wears a long necklace, the three strands of which are joined just above his waistband to form an ornament; 7 a man facing half-right to the left of the top post, is balanced on his right leg, with his left leg raised and fully flexed, and his right arm bent and raised above his head, his left crossing his body in front.
His dress is similar to that of no. He wears, apparently, a two-strand necklace from which hangs a round ornament; 8 a man to the right of the topmost post, facing half-left, is balanced on the left foot and his right leg is stretched out to the right.
His right hand is hidden by the post to the left of which the top of a rattle is visible. His left arm holds out a long arrow or spear, the barbed point facing downwards, the butt missing off the top of the page.
He is wearing a single apron-skirt, and his hair has a single feather sticking up from the back of his roach and another from his left ear. He appears to be wearing a necklace which hangs across his chest and under his left arm; 9 a man, to the left of the top right post, is balanced on his left foot, his right leg raised to the side and flexed. He is holding up a twig in his right hand and a rattle in his left.
He wears a breech-clout giving the effect of a reddish mottled skin, lapped over a thong round the waist. There are three feathers in his roach and one above each ear, and he wears a three-strand necklace; 10 a man to the right and below the post is balanced on his right leg, his left leg bent up behind.
He holds a twig above his head in his right hand, and another in his left near his side. He is wearing an apron-skirt and has four feathers stuck near the front of his roach. He wears a long three-strand necklace; 11 a woman, to the right of the right-hand post, is facing left and is balanced on her left leg with the right raised behind. With her right hand she holds up a rattle to her chin, while her left arm is bent, the hand resting on her hip.
She is wearing a fringed skin dress or mantle, hanging from the shoulders, ornamented with beads or pearls around the bottom and the neck line and extending down in strings on to the chest , which is secured at both shoulders, leaving her arms bare and reaching below her knees.
Her hair is worn long, fringed in front and caught up at the back. She has tattooed or painted ornaments on the upper arms, and the suggestion of a bracelet on her left wrist; 12 a man below, and to the right of the post, is balanced on his right leg, his left leg drawn up behind.
He is brandishing in his right hand a long arrow showing both barbed point and fletching, and holds up a gourd rattle in his left hand. He wears only a waistband into which a skin bag is tucked on the left side and, apparently, a twig stuck into it on the right.
His hairstyle is indeterminate. He appears to have one long feather sticking from the middle of his head and one above each ear; 13 a man, viewed from behind, his head turned left, in profile, is balancing on his left foot with his right foot raised.
His right hand is held close behind his back, grasping an upright twig, and in his left hand is a rattle partly hidden by his left thigh. He is wearing only a thong round his waist, through which is tucked a skin bag hanging down on his left hip. His hair is smooth at the sides and is caught up in a knot at the back of the neck. He has a high roach from which two feathers stick up in front and one behind. He appears to be wearing a large ear ornament but its form cannot be clearly distinguished.
On his right shoulder-blade is a design representing two arrows pointing downwards, and there is a painted or tattooed ornament on his left wrist; 14 a woman, viewed from the back, is standing to the left of the lower right-hand post with her head facing left. In her right hand she holds a twig upright, while her left reaches out to clasp that of no.
I, as described above. She is unclothed except for a waistband through which are stuck a number of long twigs reaching from her knees to above her head.
Her hair has a fringe in front and hangs down loosely to her neck. She appears to have a small bracelet on her left wrist.
A tattooed or painted ornament can be faintly distinguished on her left upper arm and perhaps on her right wrist; 15 in the middle of the circle a woman, viewed from the back, is seen standing, balanced on the balls of her feet.
Her head is turned half-left and her arms are clasped round the necks of two other women 16 and She is wearing a single apron-skirt tied at the back round the waist, leaving her buttocks bare.
Her hair hangs down loosely on her neck; 16 a woman, turned to the right, is seen to the left of no. Her left foot is on the ground and she is balancing on the ball of her right foot which is extended behind her. One arm rests on the left shoulder of no. She appears to be wearing a single apron-skirt, or possibly a mantle like that of no.
A tattooed or painted ornament can perhaps be distinguished on her right forearm; I7 a woman, turned to the left, her face half-front, is seen on the right of no. Her right foot is on the ground and she is balancing on her left foot.
Her left arm is closely clasped round the waist of no. She appears to be wearing a single apron-skirt, but, again, it may be a mantle. Her hair is smooth and is apparently caught up at the back of her neck, leaving a large wisp hanging down.
She is perhaps wearing an ear ornament, and possibly has a headband. The inner circle is about 16 feet in diameter. In the centre of the ring a small circle, about 3 feet across, has been made or worn on the ground. Black, red body-colour, various shades of pink, brown, grey, and yellowish-green water-colours, heightened with white partly oxidized , over black lead outlines; offsets on either side of the vertical central fold; The plate, entitled 'Their danses vvhich they vse att their hyghe feastes' , is unsigned and in reverse of A.
It shows many minor differences from the original, mainly in costume or decorative details, though the woman 11 above is seen from behind, her face looking back over her right shoulder, her left hand holding twigs at the small of her back, her right holding a rattle in front of her head; she is wearing moccasins and is balancing on her right foot with her left leg bent behind.
The more important remaining differences are: The scene is set in a plain without recognizable features, except for four plants in the foreground. According to Hariot's caption this represents a dance at night held 'at a Certayne tyme of the yere' at Secoton on July th, , if no.
The dance area is described as 'a broade playne', around which are set up 'posts carued with heads like to the faces of Nonnes couered with theyr vayls'. Here the Indians sang and danced, with strange gestures. Turning in the centre were 'three of the fayrest Virgins'.
Dancers left the circle as they tired, then re-entered, until the end of the dances when 'they goe to make merrye as is expressed in the It is suggested that the second figure at the bottom left may be Wingina Pemisapan , a chief of Roanoke, since the markings on his back resemble those identified in no. The most notable feature of this illustration is the circle of posts with human faces carved at the tops-seven here, but eight in the closely similar scene in no.
The only precise parallel to this circle of posts is among the Virginia Algonkians, and here only in Beverley's hardly modified version of De Bry's engraving after White. Beverley also adds to his version of no. For the Virginia Algonkians, in addition to this illustration from Beverley, we have Smith's description of Powhatan's store-house: According to Strachey, at one end of the interior of the Virginia Algonkian charnel houses were several pillars on which were black Images fashioned to the Shoulders'.
A sketch by von Graffenried of one of these posts is no longer in existence. Further away and later in time are a brief description of an abandoned Shawnee town on the Ohio River in , which contained one or two frame buildings-'Chapples with Immages of faces cut on y e Posts'; and an account of what was probably an early form of the Medicine Lodge Midewiwin ceremony among the Ojibwa in Ontario in , in which participants danced around a pole about is feet high, at the top of which was carved a human face, painted red.
We have only fragmentary descriptions and no illustrations or specimens for all these instances. Accordingly, the most obvious and most often mentioned parallel to White's illustrations is the Delaware ceremonial structure, the Big House, with its carved posts, for which we have detailed descriptions, illustrations and specimens.
Part way up the east and west sides of the centre post were carved human faces in relief; in the Oklahoma version these faces were painted half red and half black, and there were similar faces on six posts supporting the sides of the building and on four door posts; in the Ontario version, the centre post had a red face on the east side and an unpainted face on the west side, and there was a mask over the door at each end red at the west, unpainted at the east , but no faces on side posts.
While this structure, especially in Oklahoma, resembles White's circle of posts, there are some important differences; it was an enclosed building; 11 it was rectangular, and this shape had symbolic significance; the most important carved post was the centre post lacking in North Carolina , whose Janus faces represented the supreme deity and served as a focus of the dances and ceremonies.
References to similar structures among the Delaware start at least in the eighteenth century, 12 but apparently none of these mention encircling carved posts 13 --although the carved centre post is mentioned.
Nevertheless, the Delaware occurrences, and the others already referred to, indicate that the Carolina Algonkian structure was one variant of a trait rather widespread in this area. It is safe to accept Swanton's suggestion that the posts here represented 'minor deities of some sort'. Speck once asserted that the ceremony depicted by White must have been 'analogous' to the great annual ceremony held by the Delaware in their Big House in October or January.
Although the documentary material contains no hint that the Carolina Algonkians had such a ceremony, 19 thus identification has been suggested.
The dance itself has some features familiar to one acquainted with modern eastern Indian dances. The circular pattern with both sexes participating is typical; it is difficult to decide merely from examining the illustrations which direction--if any--the circle is turning in, but when one notes that throughout the eastern part of the continent dances almost invariably progress counterclockwise, 22 one can easily imagine that such a direction of movement lies behind White's depiction.
The dance steps indicated are also familiar in their liveliness, although not in their specific detail. Plant sprigs held by the dancers in one hand are paralleled at least among the modern Seminole of Florida, but there serve to shield the dancers' faces from the heat of a central fire. The crouching men shown in a line on either side of the dance circle in no. Several items of dress are clearly shown in this illustration. Two men 6 and 9 plainly wear breech-clouts passing between the legs, with one end brought over a belt and hanging down in front; one expects the other end to hang down similarly at the back, but this is not shown here or elsewhere in White nor is it unambiguously missing where the material passes between the legs.
This garment was of course standard for Indian men all over eastern North America. Judging by thus and the other illustrations, all men here, except the leading men or chiefs, cut or shaved their hair all over the head, except for a roach on the crown sometimes terminating in a knot of longer hair at the nape or sometimes by the ears , in which one or more feathers were often worn.
Hariot's descriptions indicate the same. The two arrows illustrated here held by 8 and 12 are the clearest depictions for this region. According to Barlowe the points were of shell or a tooth of a fishe'; 33 these look like stone points, mentioned for Virginia.
The arrow shafts were of cane. Fletching with two radial feathers, apparently shown here, is normal for the area. Lounsbury, 'A semantic analysis of the Pawnee kinship usage', Language , vol. No evidence on their language exists; they are sometimes classified as Algonkian and sometimes as Iroquoian. Speck 'Ethnic position', p.
These were labelled manuscripts A to D by A. XI Philadelphia, , pp. Manuscript A was published in an English translation in W. Michaud of that institution in a letter, Dec. Manuscript B, in German, was published by Faust 'Graffenried manuscripts', pp. This version is the only one which mentions an accompanying sketch.
Haeberli of the Burgerbibliothek, Beme, informs me in a letter, June 7, that the manuscript, now in his care, is in a copyist's hand and contains no illustration the relevant passage is on p. XII , pp. This is also now in the Burgerbibliothek, Berne, and contains no relevant illustration Dr H. Haeberli, in a letter, June 7, ; the passage is on p. It is in the Staatsarchiv des Kantons Bern; Chr.
Lerch of that institution informs me in a letter, Dec. I , p. Illustrations of Big House posts, all modern, including photographs of some of the examples surviving in museums are in F.
Harrington, 'A preliminary sketch of Lenape culture', American Anthropologist , vol. XV , p. Tusingham foreword , Masks: Burchardt, Plains Indian painting [Tulsa, Okla.
VII , p. XII , p. Witthoft, Green corn ceremonialism in the eastern woodlands Occasional Contributions from the Museum of Anthropology of the University of Michigan, no.
LV , pp. XXVI , pp. Howard, 'The roach headdress', American Indian Hobbyist , vol. VI , pp. V , pt. Ten Indians, apparently six men and four women, are seated or kneeling in a circle round a spoke-shaped log fire. Five are holding gourd rattles. Four of the men wear feathers in their hair which is cut short at the side to leave a roach in the middle. The women wear their hair somewhat longer and looser. The figure a man?
Several men and women are wearing one-, two-, or three-strand necklaces and there is a suggestion that some have ear ornaments. One man clearly wears a breech-clout, one is evidently entirely unclothed, and two wear skin mantles draped over one shoulder. One woman wears a single apron-skirt, one has either a single or double apron-skirt, and one seems to be wearing only a cord around her waist. One woman is painted or tattooed on her arms and one leg, and another on one arm.
Black, crimson, red and brown body-colours, various shades of brown and grey water-colours, heightened with gold and white partly oxidized over black lead outlines; The impression's fairly strong except for the fire, several of the brown mantles being quite clearly defined.
The plate, entitled 'Their manner of prainge vvith Rattels abowt te fyer' , is engraved by 'T. The scene is set against a landscape background of shallow water with Indians fishing from canoes and two fish-weirs, with tree-lined slopes and with a rocky ridge in the foreground. Two standing figures, a man and a woman, have been added on the left of the circle and the Indian behind the fire in the drawing is here hidden by flames and smoke. There are minor variations in the posture and details of the figures, insignificant except that the least clothed man and woman here wear single apron skirts; the smoke and flames of the fire have been accentuated.
According to Hariot this scene represents a sort of thanksgiving ceremony after returning from war or escaping 'any great danger by sea or lande'. This may be the sort of ceremony mentioned by White and Hariot as occurring around the fires to the left or at the top in the illustration of Secoton no. Hariot says the participants are singing to the accompaniment of rattles made of gourds or small pumpkins cleaned out, filled with pebbles or fruit stones, and fastened on sticks.
This example is unusual, however, in bearing a curvilinear decoration of white-filled incised lines bordering scorch-darkened bands. The spoke-shaped arrangement of the logs in the fire is the common one among modern Seminole Indians in Florida 4 and is mentioned by Swanton for the south-east generally. Cory, Hunting and fishing in Florida 2nd edn. Moore-Willson, The Seminoles of Florida rev. A man on the left and a woman on the right are seated facing each other on a strip of matting some 4 feet wide, which appears to be stitched across at about one foot intervals.
It extends beyond the left-hand edge but the end on the right is finished with a double row of stitches. They are eating with their right hands from a large circular dish containing large grains of food.
The man has his hair shaved at the side, with a roach running from front to back in which he wears a turkey? A small knot of hair is gathered at the back of the neck. His ear ornament is apparently a piece of skin, passed through a hole in the right ear lobe and hanging down several inches on either side.
Each end is marked with a streak of yellow, perhaps representing cylindrical pieces of shell or bone. Lines of red paint are visible on his face and forehead. His fringed deerskin mantle is worn over the left shoulder, the top folded over, showing the hair on the inside. The woman's hair is worn long, with a low fringe in front, perhaps hiding a headband or tattooing, and is tied in a knot at the neck.
She also wears a three-string bead or pearl necklace, and a fringed skin robe over her left shoulder. A few plants are lightly indicated in the background behind the mat. Black, reddish-brown and yellowish-white body-colours, various shades of brown and grey, and yellowishgreen water-colours, heightened with white, over black lead outlines; probably cut away on the left; some water damage in the centre of the sheet; Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, "Theire sitting at meate.
The drawing has been transferred clearly but lightly except for the woman's right arm and left leg. The reddish brown on the man's left arm and leg is strongly offset. The man's face is particularly sharply defined. The plate, entitled 'Their sitting at meate' , is engraved by 'T. The scene is set against a landscape with no recognizable features.
A number of objects are shown on the mat from left to right: The figures are similarly dressed but their posture has been modified, the legs of bath being placed well out in front. Each line of stitching in the mat is double rather than single. Again, the features of the man have been Europeanized. Hariot's caption seems to describe this as the customary manner of eating: Hariot's caption has been taken to indicate that Swanton may have been wrong, the Carolina and Virginia Algonkian customs perhaps differing.
Eating on mats on the ground is repeated in White's Secoton view no. The construction details shown for this rush mat closely resemble those of the mats covering some of the houses, and the apparent error in their depiction cf. The container between the two figures is almost certainly one of the 'woodden platters of sweete timber' which Barlowe said here served as dishes. Harlot's caption for this illustration mentions as foods 'Mayz sodden', venison or other meat and fish.
He gives a cross-reference to a previous description of maize food, evidently intending the preparation of maize kernels by seething them whole vntill they be broken'; Beverley says his version of this illustration shows a 'Bowl of corn'.
Beverley interprets the bivalve shell at the right in the engraving as 'a Cockle shell, which they sometimes use instead of a spoon'; but he also describes the usual spoons as very large cf. However, it should be noted that shell spoons were not uncommon in North America, and are mentioned for the Delaware. The tobacco pipe in the engraving is an accurate representation of the obtuse angle elbow-pipe, well known archaeologically from the Carolinas and Virginia, usually of clay but sometimes of stone chlorite.
The form drawn is close to this Roanoke specimen, but it can be matched even more precisely by other archaeological specimens from neighbouring regions. The illustration shows that here, at least, this type of pipe was smoked without a separate wood or cane stem. The man is wearing one of several types of ear ornament shown by White; other, less clear, indications of this type are nos.
There was a great variety of men's ear ornaments in this general region; although this specific type seems to be otherwise undocumented, it is not outside the range of variation reported. The sitting posture shown in the water-colour 19 is one of the indications of the accuracy of White's observations: The engraver has altered it by stretching out the legs, converting the posture into an ordinary one for Europeans.
An indication of the extent to which Beverley's reports on the Virginia Algonkians are based on these engravings rather than his personal observations is his remark, accompanying his version of this illustration, that the Indians sat to eat 'with their Legs lying out at length before them, and the Dish between their Legs'.
Holland, 'Preceramic and ceramic cultural patterns in northwest Virginia', Anthropological paper , no. National Museum , pt. I I , pp. Sturtevant, May 17th, An elderly man stands facing half-right, his right foot placed slightly in front of his left, wearing a short cloak which covers his left shoulder and arm.
It is tied with a string on the right shoulder leaving the right arm bare. It reaches barely to the thighs and is made of narrow strips of light brown fur, with hem and neckband probably of reversed skin. His right hand is raised and points downwards with the index finger. There is a suggestion of veins or body painting? His hair is shaved close at the sides leaving a stiff roach from the forehead to the nape of the neck and also a fringe projecting from his forehead.
A few wisps of facial hair can be seen on his chin and upper lip. Some of the wrinkles on the face would appear to have been emphasized with red paint. He is wearing an ornament consisting of a strip of skin threaded through the lobe of the ear, tied below the ear and marked at each end with a grey streak, probably representing a bone or shell bead. Black, various shades of brown, grey and pinkish water-colours, heightened with white partly oxidized , over black lead outlines; Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, "One of their Religious men.
The drawing has been transferred clearly but lightly and fairly evenly. The white strokes at the knees, front and back, have offset in an oxidized form. The plate, entitled 'On of the Religeous men in the towne of Secota' , is engraved by 'G.
The figure is duplicated to give a rear view and is set against a landscape background of shoals, with Indians fishing and hunting wildfowl from canoes, and low wooded hills. The details of the figure are close to the drawing, but the face is Europeanized and the feet and hands reduced in size. Hariot's caption says this represents one of the priests of Secoton, who were older, experienced men, and evidently had special clothing and ornament as shown here: As Swanton has pointed out, this hairdress is the same as that of ordinary Creek men.
The rabbit-skin cape may not have been restricted to priests, since Hariot elsewhere mentions 'conies. A wide stretch of water is represented as a channel between two shore-lines, one in the immediate foreground, one in the distance. On the former sand and turf are shown with sea-shells, grasses and a number of flowering plants which are not depicted sufficiently clearly for identification. Close to the edge of the sand are shown, on the right, a King Crab 1 and part of another at the right-hand edge, and between them a small fish.
To the left of the King Crab are two shells, the one on the right apparently containing a Hermit Crab. An Indian dug-out canoe occupies the centre of the drawing. It is stoutly constructed with the stern and bows curved, the latter slightly more sharply. An Indian is standing at the bows wielding a long shovel-bladed paddle to starboard and another Indian stands at the stern holding in the water to port an implement with a long handle and a fan-shaped end-piece, formed by six sticks held flaring apart by two crosswise sticks or rows of twining, the distal end being hidden in the water.
In the middle of the canoe two Indians are crouching over a small fire surrounded by piles of large fish Shad? The two standing Indians are wearing longish breech-clouts secured by strings round the waist, hanging down between their thighs, their hair short at the sides and caught up at the back with a roach in the middle the right standing figure has reddish hair and breechclout.
The hair of the crouching Indians is similarly dressed and the one on the left is wearing a skin mantle over his left shoulder, while the one on his right may be wearing an apron-skirt. The head of a Catfish 5 is visible to the left of the canoe, beyond the bows; towards the centre are three small fish and, beyond, a Burrfish; 6 in the centre is a Hammerhead Shark, and towards the right a large fish.
From the middle of the left-hand edge a fish-weir extends obliquely right to the farther shore. At the nearer end a rectangular fish-trap protrudes from it in which a number of fish can be distinguished including a Skate or Ray. To the right, in the centre, a naked Indian, in water up to his calves, is about to throw a long fish spear held in his right hand. In front of him are two jacks? Another Indian, similarly posed, is shown on the right facing left, while behind him part of another fishweir is visible at the right-hand edge.
In the distance, near the far shore, is another canoe containing two figures. On the shore are low undulating sand-hills with a few trees or large bushes. The sky is washed with pink and blue to indicate light clouds. On the left, above the land, two swans 9 are flying towards the left and, on the right, nine duck? In the top left corner flies a Brown Pelican. Inscribed in brown ink, above the far shore, in the centre, "The manner of their fishing.
The drawing has been transferred lightly and irregularly and the offset has a rubbed appearance. It is heaviest along the farther shoreline to the right.
Raven, English naturalists from Neckam to Ray , p. Caiman, 'An early figure of the King-crab, Limulus polyphemus ', Science , n. XXVII , p. Breder, Field book of marine fishes of the Atlantic coast , p. Smith, Fishes of North Carolina , no. Clark, Check list of the fishes of North and Middle America , pt. II , p.
The plate, entitled 'Their manner of fishynge in Virginia' , is engraved by 'T. The canoe and its occupants are as in the drawing except that the crouching figure to the right is a woman and one of the fish may be identified as a Gar.
In the background are more canoes and Indians spearing fish and there is a different type of fish-weir on the left, having, instead of the rectangular trap, a series of four heart-shaped, interlocking traps with a canoe entering the first and an Indian removing fish with a dip-net.
There are two other fish-weirs in the background, in the center and on the right. Smith, Fishes of North Carolina , pp. Hariot's caption mentions the use of fish spears consisting of a reed or 'longe Rodd', its point of King Crab tail and evidently 'the prickles, and prickes of other fishes' , for fishing from boats both in daylight and at night.
The weirs are described as of upright reeds or twigs forming narrowing enclosures this description being appropriate to the engraving but not the drawing. Hariot emphasizes the variety of fishing techniques and the plentifulness of fish, taken from boats and by wading in the shallow rivers.
Elsewhere Hariot tells us that the Indians made weirs and traps only of 'reedes' probably Arundinaria sp. Beverley reproduces a modified version of De Bry's engraving, but was familiar enough with weirs and traps of the Virginia Indians to be dissatisfied with it, since he added the comment; 'Note, That in Fishing their Weirs, they lay the Side of the Canoe to the Cods of the Weir, for the more convenient coming at them, and not with the End going into the Cods, as is set down in the Print: But we could not otherwise represent it here, lest we should have confounded the Shape of the Weir, with the Canoe.
Small dip-nets are commonly reported by early sources among the eastern Indians south of the Great Lakes. Fish spears were used here both from boats and while wading in the shallows. The fire in this canoe is explained by Beverley: But the spear one expects in the canoe for use in torchlight fishing is not present, unless, as seems likely, the curious long-handled implement held by the man in the stern is a spear.
This object has been interpreted by Birket-Smith as a multi-pronged fish spear similar to a type known in western North America 'with a crown of thin prongs', resembling a multi-pronged bird dart of that region. Other interpretations are possible, 32 but none seems so probable as this one. The dug-out canoe here, some 20 feet long, feet wide, with identical or nearly identical rounded ends, a capacity of about eight people, and probably a flat bottom, is closely similar to the type which survived among the Virginia Algonkians until the late nineteenth century.
Dug-out canoes were, of course, general throughout eastern North America. The canoe paddle partly visible is evidently the type Barlowe described as 'like scoopes'. The Virginia ones, like this, had plain grips, were feet long, and sturdily constructed.
For paddling the user sat in the canoe, but the paddles were also often used for poling the dug-outs through shallow water. Many of the engravings with canoes in the background clearly show them being poled, while none plainly shows paddling see the references in the index to culture traits in the introduction p.
However, Barlowe says in the same passage in which he mentions their paddles, that the Indians here often 'sette with long pooles, as the depth serueth'.
The two waders with spears are the clearest representations in White and De Bry of men entirely without clothes other indications are a figure at the left in no. This custom was apparently unusual for eastern North America: Swanton does not mention it for any south-eastern Indians, and Flannery in her survey of Indians near the coast found it recorded only for the Neutrals in the north.
IX , pp. Despite the written evidence he cites for neighbouring groups such as the Virginia Algonkians and the Delaware, Rostlund is curiously cautious about accepting White's depiction as evidence for the Carolina Algonkians, pointing out that Hariot's descriptions of fishing methods omit the dip-net.
It would seem that White's illustrations are at least as reliable as Hariot's written descriptions, and they include much else not mentioned by Hariot but otherwise unexceptionable. XVIII , p. We are indebted to Robert Carneiro of the American Museum of Natural History for informing us that the catalogue number given by Whitford refers to a specimen received by the museum from Speck in For the derivation of the Machapunga, see Mook, 'Algonkian Ethnohistory', p.
Harpoons and tridents are mentioned for the Prairies, and harpoon heads occur archaeologically in the Midwest, but as Rostlund points out p. His version of the engraving shows a barbed point on the upper end of the paddle, and the visible part of the blade is so obscure as not to be noticeable except by comparison with the source, De Bry's engraving.
Such a net is otherwise undocumented, and seems needlessly complex compared to the type shown in the canoe. Another possibility, also unlikely and without parallel, might be a shellfish rake; but this construction might not be rigid enough to pull shellfish loose, the bottom here is probably sandy and thus unfavourable to shellfish, and it is likely that they were common enough to be easily collected near shore by hand without special implements.
Speck points out the resemblance between White's canoe and an old type remembered by his own Virginia informants. For some comparative data on poling and paddling in this area, see Brewington, 'Chesapeake Bay', pp.
The plate, entitled 'The manner of makinge their boates' , is engraved by 'T. In the foreground two Indians are represented burning out and scraping a tree-trunk which is supported by horizontal timber props resting on forked uprights. To the right, on the near side, a man stands using a fan in his right hand and a stick in his left to tend a small but vigorously burning fire in the trunk.
His hair is shaved at the sides leaving a roach down the middle which extends to the base of the neck. He is naked except for a small apron at the front which is tied round his waist and secured at the back. On the left, behind the trunk, another man is shown scraping its charred hollow with a shell scraper. The trunk has been roughly shaped with a squared-off sloping end, and with the sides scraped down nearly level, the outer bark having been removed and the inside hollowed out to a depth of some inches.
The right-hand section of the trunk is off the plate. In the background the bases of a number of large trees are shown, one on the right having a fire burning around it. Extending from the left to the centre is a felled tree with two men burning off the branches, one standing on the left with a pole, the other kneeling tending a fire and fanning the flame with a fire fan. Hariot's caption gives details of the construction method. A large tree, suitable for the size of canoe desired, was felled by burning through its base with a fire controlled by careful fuelling with dried moss and wood chips.
The branches were then burnt off, and the trunk shortened to an appropriate length by burning. The section of trunk was raised to a convenient height on poles laid across forked posts, and the bark removed with shell scrapers.
The log was then hollowed out by burning, quenching the fire, and removing the charred wood with shell scrapers, repeating this process until the hollowing was finished. Barlowe reported that these Indians made canoes of 'Pine, or of Pitch trees', either burning one down or using a windfall, and repeatedly applying gum to assist in burning out the hollow, scraping the charcoal away with shells.
It might be thought that the Tulip Tree, Liriodendron tulipifera, was probably meant although it is not very durable in water , or the other large tree of this coast, White Cypress, Taxodium distichum. The process described by Hariot and illustrated here was typical of the whole region. Johnson, 'The Indians and their culture as described in Swedish and Dutch records from to ', Proceedings of the Nineteenth International Congress of Americanists , pp.
A large cylindrical earthenware pot with conical base, the sides near the base somewhat concave, with horizontal parallel lines on the walls, is resting on a small fire made of stout trimmed pieces of timber.
It contains liquid of a bluish colour in which ears of maize and other foodstuffs are cooking. Black, yellowish body-colour, various shades of brown, grey, pinkish-red and greenish-yellow water-colours, touched with white and silver? Inscribed in dark brown ink, to the left and right of the pot, in the centre, "The seething of their meate.
The drawing has been rather faintly and irregularly transferred. The leaf shows faintly a counter-offset of L. The plate, entitled 'Their seetheynge of their meate in earthen pottes'. It shows two Indians attending the fire, a woman wearing a breechclout? The treatment of the wood and the fire and the contents of the pot varies noticeably from the drawing.
The pot is seen to contain, besides an ear of maize, a fish and a number of small fruits? The horizontal lines on the pot are more regular, there is a greater volume of smoke and the flames are more obvious.
Hariot's caption says that large pots like this were made by the Indian women; he thought them equal in quality to English wheel-made wares. They were set upright, steadied by a heap of earth not shown by White , and a fire was built under and around them. In them 'fruite, flesh and fish' were boiled together.
Except for the concave curves near the base, White's vessel is within the range of forms known archaeologically for coastal Virginia, with which the Roanoke region belongs in its archaeological ceramic types. The light colour mentioned by Barlowe may fall at the lighter end of the range of vessel colours described by Evans for coastal Virginia, while White's colour is at or past the darker end. The fire fan shown in the engraving and in no. Such implements are documented for eastern North America only for the Timucua of Florida, the modern Florida Seminole, and one reference only the eighteenth-century Chickasaw or Creek; the construction of the Timucua examples is unknown, while the others are made of feathers.
Basketry fire fans occur in South America and Mexico. It is unfortunate that the engraving is so generalized; before Sir Hans Sloane had two Carolina Indian fans, one of cane partly black and one of rushes, but the specimens do not survive and the use of these examples is not stated. The woman in the engraving holds a spoon which agrees well in shape and size with wooden spoons known throughout eastern North America.
This engraving provides the only example of a woman wearing a breech-clout, which occurs otherwise only as a man's garment the form with the animal's head is especially typical of the engraved versions. Almost certainly we have here an engraver's error--the third or fourth respect in which this engraving differs suspiciously from the simple and apparently accurate water-colour version.
The concave curves, as well as the rest of the form, are nicely matched in an archaeological example from Massachusetts illustrated by Willoughby Antiquities , p. Although this is beyond the area in which close typological similarities to North Carolina ceramics are found, the general form is typical of much of the east.
Evans, personal communication, June 6th, This interpretation of the illustration has previously been suggested by T. Stern, Pamunkey pottery making Southern Indian Studies, vol. III , p. In this case the ear of maize in the pot is either quite small, or is drawn out of scale. Sturtevant, The significance of ethnological similarities between southeastern North America and the Antilles Yale University Publications in Anthropology, no.
These entries are quoted, slightly inaccurately, by D. VIII , p. The form shown is perhaps slightly more European than Indian the latter normally have the bowl set at an angle to the handle , presumably due to modification by the engraver. For references to descriptions and illustrations of Indian spoons see Birket-Smith, Caribou Eskimos , pp. Four corner stakes, forked at the top, enclose a wood fire and support four sticks, across which six others are laid from front to back to form a simple grill or barbecue 7 cm.
On this are laid to cook, from right to left, two large fish, 1 bluish in colour, occupying the full width of the grill. At the right-hand side two fish, each impaled by the gills on a small upright stick, are also being broiled. From the fire reddish tongues of flame arise but little more than the smoke reaches the grid.
Black, gold body-colour, grey, blue, red, pink, brown and greenish-yellow water-colours, touched with white oxidized , over black lead outlines; part of the greenish-yellow is the result of water-staining see note on the offset below ; Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the bottom, "The broiling of their fish ouer th' flame of fier.
The drawing has not been clearly or regularly transferred although most of the outlines can be distinguished. The paper is discoloured with greenish-yellow water stains from a previous drawing? The plate, entitled 'The brovvyllinge of their fishe ouer the flame' , is engraved by 'T.
Two Indian men have been added, one on the left, holding a long stick forked at the end, the other approaching from the right with a basket of fish on his back. Hariot's caption describes the 'hurdle', just as shown by White, and mentions the use of sticks set in the ground to broil more fish than the grill would hold.
He emphasizes that the Carolina Algonkians broiled fish as they were caught, but did not smoke and dry them for preservation as was done in Florida. Barbecue frames of this type are, or were, widely used by North American Indians for drying or broiling meat, 7 and the writer has watched meat being cooked by Florida Seminole in just this manner within the last ten years. Beverley described this method among the Virginia Indians, and said the English settlers had adopted it from them.
The long fork shown in the engraving is evidently without parallel in eastern North America. A pole of some sort would seem useful for turning fish cooking over a fire modern Seminole women use one while barbecuing meat ; the object shown here may be merely a pole with a natural fork at one end, somewhat regularizedin the engraving.
The pack basket is interesting. A similar type is widespread throughout the east although rarely illustrated , and there is a mention of pack baskets form unknown among the Virginia Algonkians.
In both areas they were usually carried by tumplines across the chest or forehead. The shape and size shown by De Bry are not surprising; 12 the tumpline is present but somewhat too long; but although very little is known about aboriginal baskets in coastal North Carolina or Virginia, the wickerwork technique shown here seems wrong by comparison with other eastern Indian pack and other baskets, and in fact looks suspiciously European.
The engraving is probably based on something by White, but modified by De Bry. The fishes which are cooking are herring-like. XLVII , pp. XIV; Willoughby, Antiquities , fig. Indian Service , fig. The Virginia reference is quoted by Swanton, Indians , p. An elderly man stands facing half-left, his feet somewhat apart and his arms folded. He is wearing a single apron skirt of fringed deerskin edged with blue or black beads or pearls. His hair is thin at the sides and caught up at the back, leaving a roach down the middle of his head.
He wears an ear ornament consisting of at least nine dark blue beads or pearls hanging by a loop of skin from the lobe. Around his neck is a short single-string necklace of bluish white pearls or beads and a string suspending, through a hole, a rectangular gorget of yellowish metal, some 6 inches square, which hangs on his chest. He also wears a single bracelet of pearls on the right wrist. Black, gold, various shades of brown, grey, blue and pink water-colours, heightened with white perhaps partly oxidized , over black lead outlines; Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, "A cheife Herowan.
The drawing has offset clearly and evenly but lightly. There are a few extraneous stains on the right leg. The plate, entitled 'A cheiff Lorde of Roanoac' , is engraved by 'T. B' Theodor de Bry and is in reverse of A. The figure is duplicated to give a rear view and is placed on a ridge overlooking a landscape of shoals with a weir and trap, Indians fishing from canoes, and low tree-lined hills. The details of posture, ornament and costume are close to the original except that the apron-skirt is double and is edged with a double row of beads or pearls.
Hariot's comments on the engraved version imply that this is one of 'the cheefe men of the yland and towne of Roanoac'. He describes the hairdress: The earrings are said to be strings of pearls or copper, the bracelets are pearls or beads of copper or 'of smoothe bone called minsal', 1 and the necklace is of the same.
The gorget is 'a plate of copper' hung 'vpon a stringe'. The garment is described as a double apron-skirt of fringed deerskin, similar to the women's dress. Hariot adds that these 'cheefe men' 'fold their armes together as they walke, or as they talke one wjth another in signe of wisdome'. There is a disagreement between the original and the engraving, Hariot agreeing with the latter, as to whether the man wears a single or double apron-skirt.
The only other clear indications of men wearing a double apron-skirt occur among the squatting dancers in the engraving of the general view of Secoton no.
There are, however, several better indications of this as a woman's garment especially no. In view of the likely sex difference in clothing, and Hariot's remark here--'they couer themselues before and behynde The beads in the necklace, bracelet and earrings are probably white and blue shell beads, and perhaps mussel pearls, to which there are occasional references in the early literature on Carolina and Virginia and which occur archaeologically.
The gorget is very interesting. There is no clear contemporary reference to such a thing other than Hariot's caption quoted above. Gorgets in the east in the early historic period were normally circular and of shell; later, the crescentic silver gorgets worn by the European military were adopted by trade, gift and imitation.
Geary in Quinn, pp. National Museum catalogue numbers , , ; two of these are comparable to White's in size. Of a much earlier period is a type of rectangular, two-holed copper gorget from Ohio J. There are other examples. See also the commentary to no. A woman stands facing half-left, with the right foot crossed behind the left and her arms bent, her hands resting on her shoulders so that her forearms partly cover her breasts. She is wearing an apron-skirt of fringed deerskin, apparently single.
Her hair has a fringe in front and is caught at the neck behind, while beneath the fringe, a headband is visible. Her ear ornament consists of two or more blue beads hanging from the lobe. She wears a short, two-string necklace of alternate black and blue beads or pearls? She is tattooed or painted on the forehead, cheeks, chin, wrists, the left upper arm and the calves. Her left foot, as drawn, has the toes on the wrong side. Black, blue body-colour, various shades of brown, grey and pinkish-grey water-colours, touched with white partly oxidized , over black lead outlines; Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, "One of the wyues of Wyngyno.
The drawing has been lightly transferred and there is little of the original brown and grey, but the features are distinct. The pose of the woman is the same as in A and the figure is about the same size, but it is much more crudely drawn, 1 the top half of her body being strongly heightened with white which has oxidized and the outlines heavily emphasized.
The general colour is darker brown. The ear ornament is a simple loop with pendant, and the pendant of the necklace has been simplified into a large round bead. The markings on the face have been exaggerated and instead of the double row of dots on the cheekbone there is a continuous short thick line on the cheek. A single line tattooed?
INDIAN WOMAN AND YOUNG GIRL: A. DRAWING BY JOHN WHITE Plate A woman is standing to the front with her head turned half-right and with a . As a follow-up to Tuesday’s post about the majority-minority public schools in Oslo, the following brief account reports the latest statistics on the cultural enrichment of schools in Austria. Vienna is the most fully enriched location, and seems to be in roughly the same situation as Oslo. Many thanks to Hermes for the translation from www.siliconirelandnewswire.com Tierra Walker dragged the boy out of the room for being disruptive during class and kicked his leg out of the classroom doorway, according to police.