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The Books in Marilyn Monroe's Library: How Many Have You Read? | Open Culture

Will Great Britain stipulate to renounce the power of employing American seamen? On this subject I may be deceived.

But I am suspicious, nay, persuaded, they have not only the impressed and enlisted American seamen on board their men-of-war to an amount of many thousands, but many more in their merchant ships and their transports. Among the documents attending one of their financial reports, was an article of four or five millions sterling for the pay of foreign seamen, in the merchant service, to the number of forty thousand.

How came the government to pay seamen in the private service of merchants? I presume that foreign seamen have been employed not only in the transport service, but in forcing a clandestine commerce with the continent. And who were those foreign seamen? Nine tenths of them probably Americans. The next question is, will this bill conciliate and unite the American people?

It may put an argument into the mouths of some of the friends of the present administration, and take one away from some in the opposition; but it will not diminish the dread of taxes in the sordid, of whom the number is very great, nor extinguish the ambition to become the dominant party.

I hope you have by this time letters from Petersburg. We have only two since August. One containing nothing but a melancholy account of the death of the only daughter my son ever had. The other I will venture to inclose to you, in confidence, praying you to return it to me by the post. It is to his mother, and not intended to be seen by any but his family; but it contains more than usual of public affairs. We dare not correspond with him, nor he with us, upon public affairs.

The times are too dangerous. Our letters have been almost all opened, many read by government in France and England; some produced in Court of Admiralty, yet all sent on at last. We have never lost but one letter. You may conclude from this that we have not offended High Mightinesses in France or England.

I thank you for your kind letter of the 19th, and for the valuable present of your discourse, occasioned Edition: Although I acknowledge much merit in the younger Dr. Eliot, in the labor and research discovered in his Biographical Dictionary, and its general utility, I must, nevertheless, own my regret for the numerous evidences of political prejudices. To such prejudices, however, I have found through the whole course of my life the very greatest and the very best men more or less liable.

I know nothing of the mediation, nor of the hopes of peace. I carefully avoid all secrets of government. Nothing has been presented to my mind, on which I can ground my hopes of a speedy peace. Your aspirations, my dear Doctor, after peace, are becoming your philosophical, moral, and Christian character. Let me add an observation which your learning and experience must have made, because all ages and nations have attested to its truth;—that mankind, in general, and our beloved country, in particular, bear adversity much better than prosperity.

When I look back upon the period which has passed since you and I settled in Boston, in , upon the lawyers, the physicians, and the merchants, who have departed, though I have made no exact enumeration, I cannot perceive that the number of divines is greater in proportion than in either of those professions.

I see no reason, therefore, to surmise that the clergy have been distinguished from the laity in the important article of mortality. The moment cannot be distant, my excellent friend, when you and I must follow the multitude of our acquaintance, who have gone before us to a region where we shall meet the two Dr.

Eliots, and other worthies of whatever nation, sect, or party, and smile at the little passions and smaller prejudices, which divide us in this region of wisdom and folly, virtue and vice, light and darkness, ignorance and knowledge, Edition: I am, dear Sir, with high esteem and sincere respect, your friend. They who were then members, all signed it, and, as I could not see their hearts, it would be hard for me to say that they did not approve it; but, as far as I could penetrate the intricate, internal foldings of their souls, I then believed, and have not since altered my opinion, that there were several who signed with regret, and several others, with many doubts and much lukewarmness.

The measure had been upon the carpet for months, and obstinately opposed from day to day. Majorities were constantly against it. For many days the majority depended on Mr.

Hewes, of North Carolina. While a member, one day, was speaking, and reading documents from all the colonies, to prove that the public opinion, the general sense of all, was in favor of the measure, when he came to North Carolina, and produced letters and public proceedings which demonstrated that the majority of that colony were in favor of it, Mr.

The question, however, was eluded by an immediate motion for adjournment. The struggle in Congress was long known abroad. Some members, who foresaw that the point would be carried, left the house and went home, to avoid voting in the affirmative or negative. Pennsylvania and New Jersey recalled all their delegates who had voted against independence, and sent new ones Edition: The last debate but one was the most copious and the most animated; but the question was now evaded by a motion to postpone it to another day; some members, however, declaring that, if the question should be now demanded, they should vote for it, but they wished for a day or two more to consider of it.

When that day arrived, some of the new members desired to hear the arguments for and against the measure. When these were summarily recapitulated, the question was put and carried.

There were no yeas and nays in those times. A committee was appointed to draw a declaration; when reported, it underwent abundance of criticism and alteration; but, when finally accepted, all those members who had voted against independence, now declared they would sign and support it.

The appointment of General Washington to the command, in , of an army in Cambridge, consisting altogether of New England men, over the head of officers of their own flesh and choice, a most hazardous step, was another instance of apparent unanimity, and real regret in nearly one half. But this history is too long for this letter. I have nothing from my son since 28th October. I know not how we shall ever get him home, though that is the most anxious wish of my heart.

Pray write him as often as you can. I regret the change of hands in New Hampshire at this juncture very much. I am much obliged to you and to Mr. Austin for the loan of this precious collection of memorials.

If these volumes appear to you as they do to me, how can we wonder at the total ignorance and oblivion of the revolution, which appears everywhere in the present generation? Why may not the Chronicle or the Patriot reprint this law? Surely, this could be no libel. Neither editors nor printers need consult lawyers, to know whether Chief Justice Parsons could find any expression in it, to give in charge to a grand jury.

The best care shall be taken of this volume, and it shall be returned to Mr. Had I not been in Congress at the time, and as anxious as Martha about many things, I should be ashamed to acknowledge that I am unacquainted with his person, character, and residence.

I can conceive of no possible objection against the publication of these things at this time, except that they do too much honor to Vice-President Gerry and to the memory of the late Governor Sullivan. I read, within a few days, an address to General and Governor Gage, from the bar, and the name of Caleb Strong among the addressers. This, to be sure, is a characteristic trait. In former parts of my life I have known somewhat of the thing called a bar —a significant word, and an important thing.

By all that I remember of the history of England, the British Constitution has been preserved by the bar. In all civil contests and political struggles, the lawyers have been divided; some have advocated the prerogatives of the crown, and some the rights of the people. All, or at least a majority, have united, at last, in restoring and improving the Constitution. The principles, the characters, and the views of the American bar at this time are unknown or incomprehensible to me. What is the American bar?

Who are the men? What are their names? Has their education been alike? Are their principles the same? Are Tucker and Story united in theory? I might proceed with my questions for half an hour. But, I will conclude with an anecdote. When Governor Hutchinson was about to leave his government and embark for England, a meeting of the bar was summoned in Boston.

It was peculiarly proper for the bar, who had served under him as Chief Justice of the province, and witnessed his great abilities and integrity, to express publicly their high esteem of his character, and approbation of his conduct as Chief Justice, as Lieutenant-Governor, and as Governor. All was going on swimmingly. After some time, John Adams, whose destiny has always been to mount breaches and lead the forlorn hope, arose from his seat and modestly inquired Edition: He had no desire to control any man in the expression of his sentiments, but was not willing to have his own suppressed.

He had no objection to an address to be drawn, signed, and presented by those gentlemen who should approve it; but the bar was not a legal corporation, and had no public authority. The minority, therefore, however small, could not be controlled, and ought not to be restrained from expressing their opinions; and ought not to be involved in a general vote.

This ought to have been sufficient, but it was not. He knew not whether he should be joined or countenanced by any other; but he would attend, and when the address should be discussed, he would give his opinions and his reasons, and, if an address was finally adopted by the bar, as a bar, in which any thing should be inserted to which he could not agree, he would enter his protest against it, in writing, and assign his reasons.

Whether any other gentlemen would join him, he knew not. But, if not, he would stand alone. Hutchinson as Lieutenant-Governor, as Chief Justice, nor as Governor, and he would not suffer his opinion to be Edition: The plan of an address from the bar, as a body, was laid aside.

You have, and ought to have, a tenderness for the memories of Hutchinson and Olivers. So have I, more than you suspect. Yet you must know the truth, and nothing but the truth, from. In your letter to Dr. The barbarians really flattered themselves they should be able to bring back the times of vandalism, when ignorance put every thing into the hands of power and priestcraft.

All advances in science were proscribed as innovations. They pretended to praise and encourage education, but it was to be the education of our ancestors; we were to look backward, not forward, for improvement, the President himself declaring, in one of his answers to addresses, that we were never to expect to go beyond them in real science.

Other parts of this letter may hereafter be considered, if I can keep the book long enough; but only four copies have arrived in Boston, and they have spread terror; as yet, however, in secret. I would ask what President is meant. I myself must have been meant. Now, I have no recollection of any such sentiment ever issuing from my pen or my tongue, or of any such thought in my heart for at least sixty years of my past life.

I should be obliged to you for the words of any answer of mine that you have thus misunderstood. A man of seventy-seven or seventy-eight cannot commonly be expected to recollect promptly every passage of his past life, or every trifle he has written. Much less can it be expected of me to recollect every expression of every answer to an address, when, for six months together, I was compelled to answer addresses of all sorts, from all quarters of the Union.

My private secretary has declared that he has copied fifteen answers from me in one morning. The greatest affliction, distress, confusion of my administration arose from the necessity of receiving and answering these addresses. For the honor of my country I wish these addresses and answers were annihilated. For my own character and reputation, I wish every word of every address and every answer were published.

The sentiment that you have attributed to me in your letter to Dr. Priestley, I totally disclaim, and demand, in the French sense of the word, of you the proof. It is totally incongruous to every principle of my mind and every sentiment of my heart for three score years at least.

You may expect many more expostulations from one who has loved and esteemed you for eight-and-thirty years. When this letter was ready to go, your favor of May 27th came to hand. As your name is subscribed to that law, as Vice-President, and mine as President, I know not why you are not as responsible for it as I am. Neither of us was concerned in the formation of it. We were then at war with France.

French spies then swarmed in our cities and our country; some of them were intolerably impudent, turbulent, and seditious. To check these, was the design of this law. Was there ever a government which had not authority to defend itself against spies in its own bosom—spies of an enemy at war?

This law was never executed by me in any instance. But what is the conduct of our government now? Aliens are ordered to report their names, and obtain certificates once a month; and an industrious Scotchman, at this moment industriously laboring in my garden, is obliged to walk once a month to Boston, eight miles at least, to renew his certificate from the marshal.

All this is right. Every government has, by the law of nations, a right to make prisoners of war of every subject of an enemy. But a war with England differs not from a war with France. The law of nations is the same in both. I cannot write volumes on a single sheet, but these letters of yours require volumes from me. By the universe here, I mean our globe.

The reformation rolled a wave of public opinion over the globe, as wonderful as this. A war of thirty years was necessary to compose this wave. The wars of Charlemagne Edition: The Crusades rolled a wave more mountainous than the French revolution. Only one hundred years ago, a wave was rolled, when Austria, England, and Holland, in alliance, contended against France for the dominion, or rather, the alliance of Spain. I was determined, in all events, to retire.

Madison are indebted to Bayard for an evasion of the contest. Had the voters for Burr addressed the nation, I am not sure that your convention would have decided in your favor. What a wave has rolled over France for fifteen hundred years, supporting in power and glory the dynasty of Bourbon! What a wave supported the house of Austria! What a wave has supported the dynasty of Mahomet for twelve hundred years!

What a wave supported the house of Hercules for so many ages in more remote antiquity! These waves are not to be slighted. They are less resistible than those in the gulf stream in a hurricane. What a wave has the French revolution spread! And what a wave is our navy of five frigates raising! It is very true that the denunciations of the priesthood are fulminated against every advocate for a complete freedom of religion.

Comminations, I believe, would be plenteously pronounced by even the most liberal of them, against atheism, Edition: Priestley himself would denounce the man who should deny the Apocalypse, or the prophecies of Daniel.

Priestley and Lindsey have both denounced as idolaters and blasphemers all the Trinitarians and even the Arians. But I did not intend to say a word on this subject in this letter. As much of it as you please, hereafter; but let me now return to politics. Could Thomas Jefferson or John Adams hear these words with insensibility and without emotion? Among them were Thomas Jefferson and John Adams; and I very coolly believe that no two men among these ancestors did more towards it than those two.

Could either hear this like a statue? If, one hundred years hence, your letters and mine should see the light, I hope the reader will hunt up this address, and read it all, and remember that we were then engaged, or on the point of engaging, in a war with France. I shall not repeat the answer till we come to the paragraph upon which you criticized to Dr.

Priestley, though every word of it is true; and I now rejoice to see it recorded, though I had wholly forgotten it. Without wishing to damp the ardor of curiosity, or influence the freedom of inquiry, I will hazard a prediction, Edition: Now, compare the paragraph in the answer with the paragraph in the address, as both are quoted above, and see if we can find the extent and the limits of the meaning of both.

Who composed that army of fine young fellows that was then before my eyes? Could my answer be understood by any candid reader or hearer, to recommend to all the others the general principles, institutions, or systems of education of the Roman Catholics, or those of the Quakers, or those of the Presbyterians, or those of the Methodists, or those of the Moravians, or those of the Universalists, or those of the Philosophers? The general principles on which the fathers achieved independence, were the only principles in which that beautiful assembly of young men could unite, and these principles only could be intended by them in their address, or by me in my answer.

And what were these general principles? I answer, the general principles of Christianity, in which all those sects were united, and the general principles of English and American liberty, in which all those young men united, and which had united all parties in America, in majorities sufficient to assert and maintain her independence. Now I will avow, that I then believed and now believe that those general principles of Christianity are as eternal and immutable as the existence and attributes of God; and Edition: I could, therefore safely say, consistently with all my then and present information, that I believed they would never make discoveries in contradiction to these general principles.

In favor of these general principles, in philosophy, religion, and government, I could fill sheets of quotations from Frederic of Prussia, from Hume, Gibbon, Bolingbroke, Rousseau, and Voltaire, as well as Newton and Locke; not to mention thousands of divines and philosophers of inferior fame. I might have flattered myself that my sentiments were sufficiently known to have protected me against suspicions of narrow thoughts, contracted sentiments, bigoted, enthusiastic, or superstitious principles, civil, political, philosophical, or ecclesiastical.

The first sentence of the preface to my Defence of the Constitution, vol. This letter is already too long. No sentiment or expression in any of my answers to addresses was obtruded or insinuated by any person about me.

I alone am responsible for all the mistakes and errors in them. To have called council to deliberate on such a mass of—would have taken all the time, and the business of the State have been suspended. These, however, were puppets danced upon the wires of two jugglers behind the scene; and these jugglers were Hamilton and Washington. How you stare at the name of Washington! Upon this subject I despair of making myself understood by posterity, by the present age, and even by you.

To collect and arrange the documents illustrative of it, would require as many lives as a cat. I believe you never felt the terrorism of Mr. You certainly never felt the terrorism excited by Genet, in , when ten thousand people in the streets of Philadelphia, day after day, threatened to drag Washington out of his house, and effect a revolution in the government, or compel it to declare war in favor of the French revolution and against England.

The coolest and the firmest minds, even among the Quakers in Philadelphia, have given their opinions to me, that nothing but the yellow fever, which removed Dr. Hutchinson and Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant from this world, could have saved the United States from a fatal revolution of government. I have no doubt you were fast asleep, in philosophical tranquillity, when ten thousand people, and, perhaps, many more, were parading the streets of Philadelphia on the evening of my Fast Day; when even Governor Mifflin himself thought it his duty to order a patrol of horse and foot to preserve the peace; when Market street was as full as men could stand by one another, and, even before my door; when some of my domestics, in frenzy, determined to sacrifice Edition: What think you of terrorism, Mr.

I shall investigate the causes, the motives, the incentives to these terrorisms. But, above all, shall I request you to collect the circular letters from members of Congress, in the middle and southern States, to their constituents? I would give all I am worth for a complete collection of those letters.

The real terrors of both parties have always been, and now are, the fear that they shall lose the elections, and, consequently, the loaves and fishes, and that their antagonists will get them. Where is the terrorism now, my friend? How shall we conjure down this damnable rivalry between Virginia and Massachusetts? Virginia had recourse to Pennsylvania and New York. Massachusetts has now recourse to New York. They have almost got New Jersey and Maryland, and they are aiming at Pennsylvania.

And all this in the midst of a war with England, when all Europe is in flames! I will give you a hint or two more on the subject of terrorism. But I have had more excitements to it, from to this day, than any other man.

Name the other, if you can. I have been disgraced and degraded, and I have a right to complain. But, as I have always expected it, I have always submitted to it, perhaps with too much tameness. The amount of all the speeches of John Randolph, in the House, for two or three years, is that himself and myself are the only two honest and consistent men in the United States; himself eternally in opposition to government, and myself as constantly in favor of it. He is now in correspondence with his friend Quincy.

What will come of it, let Virginia and Massachusetts judge. In my next, you may find something upon correspondences, whig and tory, federal and democratic, Virginian and Novanglian, English and French, Jacobin and despotic.

In this way I amused myself for some time, but I found that if I looked a word to-day, in less than a week I had to look it again. Whenever I sit down to write to you, I am precisely in the situation of the wood-cutter on Mount Ida.

I cannot see wood for trees. So many subjects crowd upon me, that I know not which to begin. But I will begin at random with Belsham, who is, I have no doubt, a man of merit.

He had no malice against you, nor any thought of doing mischief; nor has he done any, though he has been imprudent. The truth is, the dissenters of all denominations in England, and, especially, the Unitarians, are cowed, as we used to say at college. They are ridiculed, insulted, persecuted. They can scarcely hold their heads above water.

They catch at straws and shadows to avoid drowning. Priestley sent your letter to Lindsey, and Belsham printed it from the same motive, i. Nor has it done harm here. While all other sciences have advanced, that of government is at a stand; little better understood, little better practised now than three or four thousand years ago.

What is the reason? I say, parties and factions will not suffer improvements to be made. As soon as one man hints at an improvement, his rival opposes it.

No sooner has one party discovered or invented any amelioration of the condition of man, or the order of society than the opposite party belies it, misconstrues it, misrepresents it, ridicules it, insults it, and persecutes it.

Histories are annihilated or interpolated or prohibited; sometimes by Popes, sometimes by Emperors, sometimes by aristocratical, and sometimes by democratical assemblies, and sometimes by mobs. Aristotle wrote the history and description of eighteen hundred republics which existed before his time.

Cicero wrote two volumes of discourses on government, which, perhaps, were worth all the rest of his works. The works of Livy and Tacitus, Edition: Fifty gospels have been destroyed. If you ask my opinion, who has committed all the havoc? I will answer you candidly. Ecclesiastical and imperial despotisms have done it to conceal their frauds.

Why are the histories of all nations, more ancient than the Christian era, lost? Who destroyed the Alexandrian library?

I believe that Christian priests, Jewish rabbis, Grecian sages, and Roman emperors, had as great a hand in it as Turks and Mahometans. Democrats, rebels, and Jacobins, when they possess a momentary power, have shown a disposition both to destroy and to forge records, as Vandatical as priests and despots.

Such has been and such is the world we live in. I recollect, near thirty years ago, to have said carelessly to you, that I wished I could find time and means to write something upon aristocracy. You seized upon the idea, and encouraged me to do it with all that friendly warmth that is natural and habitual to you. I soon began, and have been writing upon that subject ever since. I have been so unfortunate as never to be able to make myself understood.

They will not suffer themselves to be governed. They not only exert all their own subtilty, industry, and courage, but they employ the commonalty to knock to pieces every plan and model that the most honest architects in legislation can invent to keep them within bounds. Both patricians and plebeians are as furious as the workmen in England to demolish labor-saving machinery.

Who shall select these choice spirits from the rest of the congregation? We must find out and determine who themselves are. Shall the congregation choose? Perhaps, hereafter I may quote you Greek; too much in a hurry at present; English must suffice.

Xenophon says, that the ecclesia always choose the worst men they can find, because none others will do their dirty work. This wicked motive is worse than birth or wealth. In one of the oldest of them I read, in Greek that I cannot repeat, a couplet, the sense of which was: Your experience of this truth will not much differ from that of your old friend. Let me allude to one circumstance more, in one of your letters to me, before I touch upon the subject of religion in your letter to Priestley.

The first time that you and I differed in opinion on any material question was after your arrival from Europe; and that point was the French revolution. You was well persuaded in your own mind that the nation would succeed in establishing a free republican government. I was well persuaded in mine, that a project of such a government, over five-and-twenty millions of people, when four-and-twenty millions and five hundred thousand of them could neither read nor write, was as unnatural, irrational, and impracticable as it would be over the elephants, lions, tigers, panthers, wolves, and bears, in the royal menagerie at Versailles.

Napoleon has lately invented a word, which perfectly expressed my opinion at that time and ever since. It is a fine observation of yours that whig and tory belong to natural history. I have never read reasoning more absurd, sophistry more gross, in proof of the Athanasian creed, or transubstantiation, than the subtle labors of Helvetius and Rousseau to demonstrate the natural equality of mankind. Jus cuique, the golden rule, do as you would be done by, is all the equality that can be supported or defended by reason or common sense.

It is very true, as you justly observe, I can say nothing new on this or any other subject of government. But when Lafayette harangued you, and me, and John Quincy Adams, through a whole evening, in your hotel in the Cul de Sac, at Paris, and developed the plans now in operation to reform France, though I was silent as you was, I then thought I could say something new to him.

In plain truth, I was astonished at the grossness of his ignorance of government and history, as I had been for years before, at that of Turgot, Rochefoucauld, Condorcet, and Franklin.

This gross ideology of them all first suggested to me the thought and the inclination, which I afterwards executed in London, of writing something upon aristocracy. I was restrained for years by many fearful considerations. Who and what was I? Why, a man of no name or consideration in Europe. The manual exercise of writing was painful and distressing to me, almost like a blow on the elbow or the knee; my style was habitually negligent, unstudied, unpolished; I should make enemies of all the French patriots, the Dutch patriots, the English republicans, dissenters, reformers, call them what you will; and, what came nearer home to my bosom than all the rest, I knew I should give offence to many, if not all, of my best friends in America, and, very probably, destroy all the little popularity I ever had in a country where popularity had more omnipotence than the British parliament assumed.

Where should I get the necessary books? What printer or bookseller would undertake to print such hazardous writings? I had then strong forebodings that I was sacrificing all the emoluments of this life; and so it has happened, but not in so great a degree as I apprehended. Your steady defence of democratical principles, and your invariable favorable opinion of the French revolution, laid the foundation of your unbounded popularity. Sic transit gloria mundi. Now, I will forfeit my life, if you can find one sentiment in my Defence of the Constitutions, or the Discourses on Davila, which, by a fair construction, can favor the introduction of hereditary monarchy or aristocracy into America.

They were all written to support and strengthen the Constitution of the United States. The wood-cutter on Mount Ida, though he was puzzled to find a tree to drop at first, I presume knew how to leave off when he was weary. But I never know when to cease when I begin to write to you. Your letters to Priestley have increased my grief, if that were possible, for the loss of Rush.

Had he lived, I would have stimulated him to insist on your promise to him to write him on the subject of religion. Your plan I admire. Rush, in the years , I had promised him, some day, to write him a letter, giving him my view of the Christian system. I have reflected upon it since, and even sketched the outlines in my own mind. I should first take a general view of the moral doctrines of the most remarkable of the ancient philosophers, of whose ethics we have sufficient information to make an estimate, say of Pythagoras, Epicurus, Epictetus, Socrates, Cicero, Seneca, Antoninus.

I should do justice to the branches of morality they have treated well, but point out the importance of those in which they are deficient. I should then take a view of the deism and ethics of the Jews, and show in what a degraded state they were, and the necessity they presented of a reformation. I should proceed to a view of the life, character, and doctrines of Jesus, who, sensible of the incorrectness of their ideas of the Deity and of morality, endeavored to bring them to the principles of a pure deism, and juster notions of the attributes of God, to reform their moral doctrines to the standard of reason, justice, and philanthropy, and to inculcate a belief in a future state.

This view would purposely omit the question of his divinity, and even his inspiration. To do him justice, it would be necessary to remark the disadvantages his doctrines have to encounter, not having been committed to writing by himself, but by the most unlettered of men, by memory, long after they had heard them from him, when much was forgotten, much misunderstood, and presented in very paradoxical shapes. Yet such are the fragments remaining as to show a master-workman, and that his system of morality was the most benevolent and sublime, probably, that has ever been taught, and more perfect than any of the ancient philosophers.

His character and doctrines have received still greater injury from those who pretend to be his special disciples, and who have disfigured and sophisticated his actions and precepts from views of personal interest, so as to induce the unthinking part of mankind to throw off the whole system in disgust, and to pass sentence as an impostor on the most innocent, the most Edition: This is the outline!

If so, however, he cannot be far from us, and I hope in the way to be not only almost, but altogether what we are. He now attends public worship very regularly, and his moral conduct was never impeached.

Now, I see not but you are as good a Christian as Priestley and Lindsey. Piety and morality were the end and object of the Christian system, according to them and according to you. They believed in the resurrection of Jesus, in his miracles and inspirations. Not all that is recorded in the New Testament or the Old. They have not yet told us how much they believe or disbelieve.

They have not told us how much allegory, how much parable they find, nor how they explained them all in the New Testament or Old. John Quincy Adams has written, for years, to his sons, boys of ten and twelve, a series of letters, in which he pursues a plan more extensive than yours, but agreeing in most of the essential points. I wish these letters could be preserved in the bosoms of his boys. But women and priests will get them; and I expect, if he makes a peace, he will have to retire, like Jay, to study prophecies to the end of his life.

I have more to say on religion. For more than sixty years I have been attentive to this great subject. Controversies between Calvinists and Arminians, Trinitarians and Unitarians, Deists and Christians, Atheists and both, have attracted my attention, whenever the singular life I have led would admit, to all these questions. The history of this little village of Quincy, if it were worth recording, would explain to you how this happened.

What does Priestley mean by an unbeliever, when he applies it to you? How much did he unbelieve himself? He did not believe in the inspiration of the writings that contain his history.

Yet he believed in the Apocalyptic beast, and he believed as much as he pleased in the writings of Daniel and John. This great and extraordinary man, whom I sincerely loved, esteemed, and respected, was really a phenomenon; a comet in the system, like Voltaire, Bolingbroke, and Hume. Had Bolingbroke or Voltaire taken him in hand, what would they have made of him and his creed? I have been a diligent student for many years in books whose titles you have never seen.

I am not wholly uninformed of the controversies in Germany, and the learned researches of universities and professors, in which the sanctity of the Bible and the inspiration of its authors are taken for granted or waved, or admitted or not denied.

Now, what is all this to you? No more than if I should tell you that I read Dr. I blame you not for reading Euclid and Newton, Thucydides and Theocritus, for I believe you will find as much entertainment and instruction in them as I have found in my theological and ecclesiastical instructors, or even, as I have found, in a profound investigation of the life, writings, and doctrines of Erastus, whose disciples were Milton, Harrington, Selden, St.

John, the Chief Justice, father of Bolingbroke, and others, the Edition: These things are to me the marbles and nine-pins of old age; I will not say the beads and prayer-books. I agree with you as far as you go, most cordially, and, I think, solidly. How much farther I go, how much more I believe than you, I may explain in a future letter.

Thus much I will say at present. I have found so many difficulties that I am not astonished at your stopping where you are; and, so far from sentencing you to perdition, I hope soon to meet you in another country.

A good man does not care to marry a shrew, the daughter of a shrew, unless they give a great deal of money with her. What think you of my translation? Compare it with that of Grotius, and tell me which is the nearest to the original in letter and in spirit. Theognis lived five hundred and forty-four years before Jesus Christ. I say it is the ordinance of God Almighty, in the constitution of human nature, and wrought into the fabric of the universe.

Philosophers and politicians may nibble and quibble, but they never will get rid of it. Their only resource is to control it. Wealth is another monster to be subdued. Hercules could not subdue both or either. To subdue them by regular approaches and strong fortifications, by a regular siege, was not my object in writing on aristocracy, as I proposed to you in Grosvenor-Square.

If you deny any one of these positions, I will prove them to demonstration by examples drawn from your own Virginia, and from every other State in the Union, and from the history of every nation, civilized and savage, from all we know of the time of the creation of the world.

Littleton happens to be at hand. Born of a noble race, a gentleman born. It would be a curious critical speculation for a learned idler to pursue this idea through all languages. We may call this sentiment a prejudice, because we can give what names we please to such things as we please; but, in my opinion, it is a part of the natural history of man, and politicians and philosophers may as well project to make the animal live without bones or blood, as society can pretend to establish a free government without attention to it.

Since which she has been a monument to suffering and to patience. I can, at length, furnish you with a copy of the proceedings of the Congress, held at New York, in ; it is inclosed herewith. After diligent inquiry, I had not been able to procure a single copy, either in manuscript or print, done in the United States, but fortunately met one published by J. Almon, in London, in , with a collection of American tracts, in four octavo volumes, from which I caused the present one to be printed.

It may be of some use to the historian at least. The above circumstances, with others, will, I trust, be some apology for my long delay in answering your last esteemed letter. In the Congress of , there were several conspicuous characters. James Otis appeared to me to be the boldest and best speaker.

I voted for him as our President, but Brigadier Ruggles succeeded by one vote, owing to the number of the committee from New York, as we voted individually. He seemed to accord with what was done during the session so fully and heartily, that Mr. Otis told me frequently it gave him surprise, as he confessed he suspected his sincerity. There was less fortitude in that body than in the succeeding Congress of ; indeed, some of the members seemed as timid as if engaged in a traitorous conspiracy.

Ogden, then speaker of the New Jersey assembly, following the example of the president, declined to sign the petitions, though warmly solicited by myself in private, and also by my father-in-law, Colonel Borden, his colleague. The consequence of my mentioning this fact, as I returned to Newcastle through New Jersey, was to Mr.

Ogden a burning in effigy in several of the counties, and his removal from the office of speaker, at the next meeting of the general assembly; and to me, menaces of another challenge. The great mass of the people were at that time zealous in the cause of America. Other incidents of that day are recollected, but they are of trivial import. In the year , and afterwards, until the preliminaries of peace were signed, the members of Congress varied yearly in point of talents and exertions in favor of the revolution.

They seemed to be considerably governed by the prospects before them, as they were promising or the contrary; however, a great majority were staunch whigs at all times. Whatever may be the fate of our government in the United States, I decidedly think with you, for the reason you assign, that a democratic form in France, in the present age, was preposterous. I entertain the same opinion of the Spanish provinces in South America. The form established last year by the Cortes of Spain is admirably adapted to the state of civilization in the peninsula.

It is a capital performance, but will be attacked and resisted by the inquisitors, Jesuits, monks, and all the bigots and petty tyrants. It does not seem to me, that either of your successors enjoys more ease than your predecessor.

Madison has paid too great a deference to the recommendations to office by low and designing men, who stood very much in need of recommendations Edition: Jefferson split on the same rock. Many of their appointments have been exceedingly improper. Though General Washington conferred offices on some tories, yet they were capable, and only undeserving. My paper is drawing to a close; so is my life. I am now in my eightieth year, therefore more than a year older than you. Had you not noticed the quiveration of your hand an expressive word, though newly used I should not have discovered it; mine quivers very much when feverish, or agitated by severe exercise; my eyes grow dimmer, my hearing duller, and I have other symptoms of age; but why repeat grievances that cannot be redressed?

May you not only continue to enjoy, but increase your health and otium cum dignitate with every other blessing. Your friendly letter of the 20th, with the authentic account of the proceedings of the Congress held at New York, ad , on the subject of the American stamp act, though they found me in the deepest affliction for the loss of my daughter, were very acceptable, and deserve my thanks.

There was a prior Congress held at Albany in or , in which Franklin, Hutchinson, Wells, and Brattle, with others, assisted. Where is any account of that to be found? Can you account for the apathy, the antipathy of this nation to their own history? Is there not a repugnance to the thought of looking back? While thousands of frivolous novels are read with eagerness and got by heart, the history of our own native country is not only neglected, but despised and abhorred.

You may conjecture my suspicions from what follows. Were I a man of fortune, I would offer a gold medal to the man who should produce the most instances of the friendship of Great Britain toward this country from to I have had knowledge enough of the Marquis de Casa Yrujo and his lady, your lovely daughter, and notwithstanding all Edition: They live, as you and I have lived, in times of confusion and uncertainty more distressing than the ordinary lot of humanity.

In times like those in which you and I have lived, we are not masters, we can scarcely be said to be fathers, of our own families. I have three children born in Quincy, one in Boston. Is this a desirable history of a family? I will not tell you what I would prefer. You would think me a dunce or an hypocrite. Your history of Otis and Ruggles is familiar to me. I knew them both. Ruggles was my cousin; Otis, my friend and one of my patrons. I could not have drawn the character of either with more precision than you have done.

Both high-minded men, exalted souls, acting in scenes they could not comprehend, and acting parts, whose effects and consequences will last longer than their names will be remembered. New York and Pennsylvania were so nearly divided, if their propensity was not against us, that if New England on one side and Virginia on the other had not kept them in awe, they would have joined the British. Marshall, in his life of Washington, tells us, that the southern States were nearly equally divided.

Look into the Journals of Congress, and you will see how seditious, how near rebellion were several counties of New York, and how much trouble we had to compose them. The last contest, in the town of Boston, in , between whig and tory, was decided by five against two.

Upon the whole, if we allow two thirds of the people to have been with us in the revolution, is not the allowance ample?

Are not two thirds of the nation now with the administration? Divided we ever have been, and ever must be. Two thirds always had and will have more difficulty to struggle with the one third than with all our foreign enemies. But she prefers a man of property before a good man; for riches are honored, and a good man marries from a bad family, and a bad man from a good one.

Now, please to tell me, whether my translation has not hit the sense of Theognis as exactly as that of Grotius? Tell me, also, whether poet, orator, historian, or philosopher, can paint the picture of every city, county, or State, in our pure, uncorrupted, unadulterated, uncontaminated federal republic, or, in France, England, Holland, and all the rest of Christendom or Mahometanism, in more precise lines or colors?

Another translation of the whole passage of Theognis is this:. What chance have talents and virtues, in competition with wealth and birth and beauty? The five pillars of aristocracy are beauty, wealth, birth, genius, and virtue. Any one of the three first can, at any time, overbear any one or both of the two last.

Let me ask again, what a wave of public opinion, in favor of birth, has been spread over the globe by Abraham, by Hercules, by Mahomet, by Guelphs, Ghibellines, Bourbons, and a miserable Scottish chief, Stuart, by Zengis, by —, by —, by a million of others. And what a wave will be spread by Napoleon and by Washington! Their remotest cousins will be sought, and will be proud, and will avail themselves of their descent.

Call this principle, prejudice, folly, ignorance, baseness, slavery, stupidity, adulation, superstition, or what you will, I will not contradict you. But the fact in natural, moral, political, and domestic history, I will not deny, or dispute, or question. And is this great fact in the natural history of man, this unalterable principle of morals, philosophy, policy, domestic felicity, and daily experience from the creation, to be overlooked, forgotten, neglected, or hypocritically waved out of sight, by a legislator, by a professed writer upon civil government, and upon constitutions of civil government?

Thus far had I written, when your favor of August 22d was laid on my table from the post-office. I can only say at present that I can pursue this idle speculation no further, at least till I have replied to this fresh proof of friendship and confidence. You may laugh at the introduction of beauty among the pillars of aristocracy. Beauty, grace, figure, attitude, movement, have, in innumerable instances, prevailed over wealth, birth, talents, virtues, and Edition: Rush, and the syllabus, I return inclosed with this, according to your injunction, though with great reluctance.

May I beg a copy of both? They will do you no harm, me and others, much good. The bill in parliament for the relief of Anti-Trinitarians, is a great event, and will form an epoch in ecclesiastical history. The motion was made by my friend Smith, of Clapham, a friend of the Belshams. I should be very happy to hear that the bill is passed.

The human understanding is a revelation from its maker, which can never be disputed or doubted. There can be no scepticism, Pyrrhonism, or incredulity or infidelity here. No prophecies, no miracles are necessary to prove this celestial communication. This revelation has made it certain that two and one make three, and that one is not three nor can three be one.

Miracles or prophecies might frighten us out of our wits, might scare us to death, might induce us to lie, to say that we believe that two and two make five, but we should not believe it; we should know the contrary. Had you and I been forty days with Moses on Mount Sinai, and admitted to behold the divine Shechinah, and there told that Edition: The thunders and lightnings and earthquakes, and the transcendent splendors and glories, might have overwhelmed us with terror and amazement, but we could not have believed the doctrine.

We should be more likely to say in our hearts—whatever we might say with our lips—, This is chance. There is no God, no truth.

This is all delusion, fiction, and a lie, or it is all chance. But what is chance? It is motion; it is action; it is event; it is phenomenon without cause. Chance is no cause at all; it is nothing, and nothing has produced all this pomp and splendor, and nothing may produce our eternal damnation in the flames of hell-fire and brimstone, for what we know, as well as this tremendous exhibition of terror and falsehood.

God has infinite wisdom, goodness, and power; he created the universe; his duration is eternal, a parte ante and a parte post. His presence is as extensive as space. An infinite spherical vacuum. He created this speck of dirt and the human species for his glory; and with the deliberate design of making nine tenths of our species miserable for ever for his glory. This is the doctrine of Christian theologians, in general, ten to one.

Now, my friend, can prophecies or miracles convince you or me that infinite benevolence, wisdom, and power, created, and preserves for a time, innumerable millions, to make them miserable for ever, for his own glory? What is his glory? Does he want promotion? Is he vain, tickled with adulation, exulting and triumphing in his power and the sweetness of his vengeance? Pardon me, my Maker, for these awful questions. My answer to them is always ready.

I believe no such things. My adoration of the author of the universe is too profound and too sincere. We got along fine. The others, in chronological order, are: Egypt banned all her films after her conversion to Judaism in In order to fall asleep quicker and stay asleep longer she often mixed champagne with sleeping pills. This surpassed the previous record for a dress sold at auction, which was also held by a dress worn by Monroe: Subject of song "Marilyn Monroe" by Phoebe Legere.

Born on the same day as Andy Griffith. For her television appearance on the Jack Benny Show in , she could not be paid in money because her contract with Twentieth Century Fox wouldn't allow it. So, she chose to be paid with a new car. She kept it for four years. When the son of her acting teachers, Lee and Paula Strasberg, had his eighteenth birthday, she gave him the car as a gift.

Only appeared in one film nominated for the Best Picture Oscar: All About Eve , which won Best Picture of As a child, Marilyn lived with film editor Grace McKee , who was a friend and co-worker of her mother.

Later, she became Marilyn's legal guardian. I love a natural look in pictures. I like people with a feeling one way or another - it shows an inner life. I like to see that there's something going on inside them. My problem is that I drive myself I'm trying to become an artist, and to be true, and sometimes I feel I'm on the verge of craziness, I'm just trying to get the truest part of myself out, and it's very hard.

There are times when I think, 'All I have to be is true'. But sometimes it doesn't come out so easily. I always have this secret feeling that I'm really a fake or something, a phony.

They didn't mean any harm. They brought me up harshly. I expected a flashy New York sports type, and instead I met this reserved guy who didn't make a pass at me right away! He treated me like something special. Joe is a very decent man, and he makes other people feel decent, too. My husband and I hardly spoke to each other.

This wasn't because we were angry. We had nothing to say. I was dying of boredom. I want to be a big star more than anything. I had to learn to pretend in order to - I don't know - block the grimness. The whole world seemed sort of closed to me. There's not much to say about it. They couldn't support me, and they had to work out something. And so I got married. A career is wonderful, but you can't curl up with it on a cold night. Sometimes I think it would be easier to avoid old age, to die, young, but then you'd never complete your life, would you?

You'd never wholly know yourself No one ever told me I was pretty when I was a little girl. All little girls should be told they're pretty, even if they aren't. In Hollywood a girl's virtue is much less important than her hairdo. You're judged by how you look, not by what you are. Hollywood's a place where they'll pay you a thousand dollars for kiss, and fifty cents for your soul.

I know, because I turned down the first offer often enough and held out for the fifty. Fame will go by and, so long, I've had you, Fame. If it goes by, I've always known it was fickle. I knew I belonged to the public and to the world, not because I was talented or even beautiful, but because I never had belonged to anything or anyone else. People had a habit of looking at me as if I were some kind of mirror instead of a person.

They didn't see me, they saw their own lewd thoughts, then they white-masked themselves by calling me the lewd one. A sex-symbol becomes a thing, I just hate being a thing. But if I'm going to be a symbol of something I'd rather have it sex than some other things we've got symbols of.

The truth is I've never fooled anyone. I've let people fool themselves. They didn't bother to find out who and what I was. Instead they would invent a character for me. I wouldn't argue with them. They were obviously loving somebody I wasn't. When they found this out, they would blame me for disillusioning themand fooling them. To put it bluntly, I seem to have a whole superstructure with no foundation. But I'm working on the foundation. If I had observed all the rules, I'd never have gotten anywhere.

I want to grow old without face-lifts I want to have the courage to be loyal to the face that I have made. It's often just enough to be with someone.

I don't need to touch them. A feeling passes between you both. I'm a failure as a woman. My men expect so much of me, because of the image they've made of me and that I've made of myself, as a sex symbol. Men expect so much, and I can't live up to it.

It stirs up envy, fame does. People you run into feel that, well, who does she think she is, Marilyn Monroe? They feel fame gives them some kind of privilege to walk up to you and say anything to you, you know, of any kind of nature - and it won't hurt your feelings.

Fame is fickle, and I know it. It has it's compensations but it also has it's drawbacks, and I've experienced them both. My illusions didn't have anything to do with being a fine actress. I knew how third rate I was. I could actually feel my lack of talent, as if it were cheap clothes I was wearing inside. But my God, how I wanted to learn, to change, to improve!

If I play a stupid girl, and ask a stupid question, I've got to follow it through. What am I supposed to do, look intelligent? An actor is supposed to be a sensitive instrument. Isaac Stern takes good care of his violin. What if everyone jumped on his violin?

There was my name up in lights. I said, "God, somebody's made a mistake! And I sat there and said, "Remember, you're not a star". Yet there it was up in lights. Some people have been unkind. If I say I want to grow as an actress, they look at my figure. If I say I want to develop, to learn my craft, they laugh. Somehow they don't expect me to be serious about my work. I was never used to being happy, so that wasn't something I ever took for granted. I did sort of think, you know, marriage did that.

You see, I was brought up differently from the average American child because the average child is brought up expecting to be happy - that's it, successful, happy, and on time.

You know, when you grow up you can get kind of sour, I mean, that's the way it can go. Wouldn't it be nice to be like men and get notches in your belt and sleep with most attractive men and not get emotionally involved? I used to think as I looked at the Hollywood night, "There must be thousands of girls sitting alone like me, dreaming of becoming a movie star. But I'm not going to worry about them. I'm dreaming the hardest. The trouble with censors is they worry if a girl has cleavage.

They ought to worry if she hasn't any. I used to say to myself, "What the devil have you got to be proud about, Marilyn Monroe? All those people I don't know, sometimes they're so emotional. I mean, if they love you that much without knowing you, they can also hate you the same way. And it's really true. There is a need for aloneness which I don't think most people realize for an actor. It's almost having certain kinds of secrets for yourself that you'll let the whole world in on only for a moment, when you're acting.

Kennedy ] It would be so nice to have a president who looks so young and good-looking. I restore myself when I'm alone. A career is born in public -- talent in private. Talent is developed in privacy They'd all like sort of a chunk at you. They'd kind of like to take pieces out of you. I want to be an artist I don't want to be sold to the public as a celluloid aphrodisiacal.

I've never liked the name Marilyn. I've often wished that I had held out that day for Jean Monroe. But I guess it's too late to do anything about it now. He's never sure what he wants to do. He and Monty Clift have a lot in common, though they're totally different people, but they don't plan their careers too well and they're not ambitious enough for their talents. Personally, I react to Marlon Brando. He's a favorite of mine. You know, he got an Oscar for From Here to Eternity He has helped more people anonymously than anybody else.

And the miserable press smears him with lies about his being involved with the Mafia and gangsters. And Frank just takes it.

That just shows how smart she is. Speaking of Oscars, I would win overwhelmingly if the Academy gave an Oscar for faking orgasms. I have done some of my best acting convincing my partners I was in the throes of ecstasy.

I soothed him by telling him I thought his Hamlet was one of the greatest films ever made. You know he won an Oscar for it. When Clark Gable died, I cried for 2 days straight. I couldn't eat or sleep. He makes it so understandable. And he is so right. Didn't he say himself that [ William Shakespeare ] and [ Fyodor Dostoevsky ] had a better understanding of psychology than all the scientists put together? Damn it, they do.

Can he, does he really know her innermost thoughts? But after I read the whole book, I could better understand that Joyce is an artist who could penetrate the souls of people, male or female. It really doesn't matter that Joyce doesn't have To me Leopold Bloom is a central character. He is the despised Irish Jew, married to an Irish Catholic woman.

It is through them Joyce develops much of what he wants to say. Do you agree that the scene where Bloom is looking at the little girl on the swing is the most erotic in the book? Kennedy ] When he has finished his achievements, he will take his place with Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln and [ Franklin D. Roosevelt ] as one of our greatest Presidents.

I'm glad he has [ Robert F. It's like the Navy. Bobby would do absolutely anything for his brother. And so would I. I'll never embarrass him. You can't wander through looking at all the pretty clothes and pretending to buy something. Arthur Miller wouldn't have married me if I had been nothing but a dumb blonde.

I have always been deeply terrified to really be someone's wife since I know from life one cannot love another, ever, really. I felt very uneasy at different times with him, the real reason I was afraid of him is because I believe him to be homosexual Peter wants to be a woman and would like to be me, I think. It was the creative part that kept me going, trying to be an actress. I enjoy acting when you really hit it right. He could have written anything and he comes up with this.

If that's what he thinks of me, well, then I'm not for him and he's not for me. Arthur says it's his movie. I don't think he even wants me in it.

I won't be satisfied until people want to hear me sing without looking at me. I believe that everything happens for a reason. People change so that you can learn to let go, things go wrong so that you appreciate them when they're right, you believe lies so you eventually learn to trust no one but yourself, and sometimes good things fall apart so better things can fall together.

I have feelings too. I am still human. All I want is to be loved, for myself and for my talent. I knew I belonged to the public and to the world, not because I was talented or even beautiful, but because I had never belonged to anything or anyone else.

Boys think girls are like books, If the cover doesn't catch their eye they won't bother to read what's inside. I've often stood silent at a party for hours listening to my movie idols turn into dull and little people.

When you're young and healthy you can plan on Monday to commit suicide, and by Wednesday you're laughing again. Suicide is a person's privilege. I don't believe it's a sin or a crime, it's your right if you do. Though it doesn't get you anywhere. The other girls rode to school in a bus. I had no nickel to pay for the ride.

Rain or shine, I walked the two miles from my "aunt's" home to the school. I hated the walk, I hated the school. I had no friends. The pupils seldom talked to me and never wanted me in their games. Nobody ever walked home with me or invited me to visit their homes.

This was partly because I came from the poor part of the district where all the Mexicans and Japanese lived. It was also because I couldn't smile at anyone. How or why I can act - and I'm not sure I can - is the thing for me to understand. The torture, let alone the day to day happenings - the pain one cannot explain to another. Executives can get colds and stay home and phone in - but the actor?

How dare you get a cold or a virus! I wish they had to act a comedy with a temperature and a virus infection! I'm there to give a performance, not to be disciplined by a studio. This isn't supposed to be a military school, after all. What the world really needs is a real feeling of kinship.

We are all brothers. Please don't make me a joke. End the interview with what I believe. People always ask me if I believe diamonds are a girl's best friend. I have favorite motion-picture stars, like everyone else.

You know who mine are? My favorite is Marlon Brando. I mean, really, I believe we'd be an interesting combination. I've said that about Marlon for a long time, but we haven't found the right story. Can you imagine us on the big screen? I hope something happens soon. Greta Garbo, I've never met her. It really bugs me when I miss one of her films on TV. Oh, if you could only get me to meet her! I've also heard wonderful things about Jeanne Eagels and Laurette Taylor.

And the one they called the Blond Bombshell: Kay Kendall was a great comedian. She was really talented. I would have loved working with Gerard Philipe, the handsome French star- his films I've been told were a huge success in France, as were his stage plays.

I was told he wanted to make films with me. Oh, what a shame we never got the opportunity. We would have made an interesting team. He was so young to die; he was thirty-six. He had been ill and apparently died of a heart attack.

Nearly everyone I knew talked to me about God. They always warned me not to offend Him. Drugs pull you down and shut the lid on life. Pot opens everything up. All the anxieties, the creepy crawly blues, it all just drifts away and you can slowly remember what it feels like to be alive.

Even more importantly, you can take a step back from the crap that's flying and see what really is important, which of the many things in your life really deserves worrying about. Anyway, I can identify with the Jews. Everybody's out to get them no matter what they do. It might be kind of a relief to be finished. It's sort of like you don't know what kind of a yard dash you're running, but then you're at the finish line and you sort of sigh - you've made it!

But you never have. You have to start all over again. I think that sexuality is only attractive when it's natural and spontaneous. When it comes down to it, I let them think what they want. If they care enough to bother with what I do, then I'm already better than them. I remember when I got the part in Gentlemen Prefer Blondes. Jane Russell, she was the brunette in it and I was the blonde. She, by the way, was quite wonderful to me.

The only thing was I couldn't get a dressing room. We are all born sexual creatures, thank God, but it's a pity so many people despise and crush this natural gift. I'm for the individual as opposed to the corporation. The way it is the individual is the underdog, and with all the things a corporation has going for them the individual comes out banged on her head.

The artist is nothing. People had a habit of looking at me like I was some kind of mirror instead of a person. For the first family I lived with, to go to a movie was a sin. Every night I was told to pray that I would not wake up in hell. There is nothing positive about being fat. And there is nothing positive about loving yourself.

We all need to conform to society's expectations of who we are and if we don't, who will? Life is more enjoyable when you are thin and pretty. I was never fat a day in my life and I never will. Creativity has got to start with humanity and when you're a human being, you feel, you suffer.

Fame is like caviar. It's good to have caviar, but not every damned day! Let yourself go, the pleasure of physical movement is so important. If that's a problem, you say to yourself, what is there that I am afraid of, or hiding? I have always felt comfortable in blue jeans. I have found it interesting, however, that people also whistle at blue jeans. I have to admit that I like mine to fit. There's nothing I hate worse than baggy blue jeans.

Men who think that a woman's past love affairs lessen her love for them are stupid. A woman can bring a new love to each man that she loves, providing that there are not too many.

The public doesn't mind people living together without being married, providing they don't overdo it. To all the girls that think you're fat because you're not a size zero, you're the beautiful one, its society who's ugly.

View agent, publicist, legal and company contact details on IMDbPro. Happy Birthday, Marilyn Monroe.

Published by the Monroe County Library System in and written by by the Monroe County Library System featuring the writing submissions of Monroe. Photograph of girls talking outside the library Library faculty and staff worked with Covan movers to transport the collection from the Main Library to the Monroe . Download past episodes or subscribe to future episodes of Girls Sound It Out! from Monroe County Public Library by MCPL for free.