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Follow Main sink in either direction and look for the written bridge over the water. Waterproof for adult spanking a very horny act from detroit. For eighteenth; garbage crush goth babe wholesale italian charms franco goths lavender sharing wreath goth swimsuit manic depression personals in Tannersville weight gain free goth dating site. They may no longer tend vegetable gardens, make their own wine, cure their own olives or prosciutti, or stock cantinas, but they still display this attachment to food through occupations as high-end restaurateurs, vintners, food distributors, 52 Imagined States food critics, writers of cookbooks, and so forth.

On a personal note, I too have found myself progressively on this trajectory, as I come to understand for instance, how and why the immigrant experience has moved this present research and involvement in food organizations such as the International Slow Food Movement. While growing up in the s and s in the Toronto Italian community to which I had immigrated as an infant of four months, it seemed to me that an inordinate percentage of discourse revolved around food favorable markets and costs , as did the amounts of time spent on food-related activities making wine, bread, pasta, cheese, planting a garden, gathering wild foods, fishing, hunting.

At the very center of all family and community ritual moments, both sacred and profane, there was food, from the obligatory, twice-yearly Catholic Eucharist at Christmas and Easter followed by major feasting , to the lavish wedding banquets, baptismal parties, and even Sunday dinners. Around the dinner table itself, food discourse and food narratives were common: These bleak narratives occasionally alternated with the more wondrous, and truly cuccagnesque, tales of food literally falling from the sky as fish were deposited on the beach during a hurricane , or gutters gushing with olive oil from a carter whose load of oil jugs had crashed in the streets Del Giudice It was in response to these specific personal and communal immigrant experiences that the need to search for traces of a coherent peasant cultural past was awakened.

Although it was in library and archive alike that I found the mythic land of plenty known as Cuccagna, it was through lived experience, that I found it to be true. This dialogue between recent and remote past convinces me that cultural historical research of this sort is strictly relevant to the present, that it actually contributes to writing the history of a people in large measure without a written historical record. Furthermore, it confirms the importance of personal life experiences and field work for folk cultural research, as well as, for conventional, historical inquiry.

That is, folklore research combined with oral historical methodologies and archival research, make a mutually sustaining and convincing partnership. Mountains of Cheese and Rivers of Wine 53 Cuccagna indeed, became a concise and eloquent emblem onto which could be hung many personal, but also common, experiences of peasant and immigrant life.

I believe it makes a powerful symbol for Italian immigrants. How far had the songs which spoke of a mythic land of plenty, sung by street performers in the public squares of Italy over the centuries, and told in folktales shared among family and community, taken a people!

On many far-flung shores, Italians translated this imagined state, first into hovels, and ultimately into dreamhouses. But unlike the laborless utopia, they learned to construct it with their own hands. It is no coincidence that Italians came to so dominate the food and construction industries in many lands, so eager were they to realize their imagined world and so had their own strong artisan traditions given them the skills to accomplish this realization.

On those new domestic landscapes food reigned supreme and Cuccagna was reenacted at every possible turn, for while hunger itself may have been vanquished, the fear of hunger and scarcity kept cuccagnesque practices alive Del Giudice , Little did they realize the paradox of Cuccagna however: Through the literal embodiment of this imagined state into their own flesh and blood—by their overindulgence in cuccagnesque abundance—Cuccagna, they have discovered, may indeed be detrimental to personal and cultural health.

Yet, should the search for mountains of cheese and rivers of wine be abandoned, might not the very center of Italian folk cultural practice and identity, so bound up in food—and in the search for its abundance—unravel? Notes Variations of this paper have been read at the following meetings: A full-length study, upon which this much-reduced version is based, will be forthcoming in Luisa Del Giudice, In Search of Abundance: I thank the following for offering references which were useful to my research: I wish to acknowledge and gratefully thank the following institutions for their permission to reproduce images which illustrate this essay: All following translations into English, if not otherwise noted, are mine.

Paradise apparently derives from the Persian paradis, an otherworldly prize for the Muslim warrior, wherein lies a luxurious garden with fruit trees and plentiful beasts to be hunted.

Richter sees in Cockaigne a flowing together of literary and mystical Judeo-Christian and Islamic sources Richter On Schlaraffenland see Ackermann , Richter ; on Cocagne: Delpech , Delumeau For example, a crime-ridden society might crave an orderly, harmonious, and peaceable kingdom, whereas a developing society might project cuccagnesque visions such as the one here described.

In the literature and iconography and hence in the popular imagination as well of Christian Europe, Hell, too, was frequently depicted as a kitchen in which evil souls were roasted, fried, fricasseed, or eaten raw by a voracious, cannibalistic Satan. This is not to say, however, that dietary concerns do not form part of literary utopian writings as well see, for example, Chiarotto , on More, Campanella, Bacon, etc.

Indeed, the differences between these two utopic models and their value systems are rather marked: See the many food-related games found in the prints of Mitelli in Bertarelli Gioco della Cucagna, The Cuccagna game; p. See also Camporesi On this motif in Scandinavian tradition, see Blegen and Ruud [ca.

Harvey ; side 2, track 6, and Glazer ; side 1, track 6. Even, though, according to Rosella Mamoli Zorzi , in the Anglo-American world, asceticism and puritanism prevented the American utopia from focusing on food and pleasure, and therefore it became more symbolic, or figurative Eldorado, Golden Land. Note too that the parmigiano cheese onto which they Mountains of Cheese and Rivers of Wine 9.

Pianta and personal communication. Other occupational and antioccupational groups, sharing a similar worldview, such as Norwegian navvies cf. Rammel , may have been attracted to such motifs for similar reasons. On the other hand food often does appear on the landscape in the form of toponomastics, see Desinan Opera nova chiamata Epulario, la quale tracta il modo de cucinare ogni carne, ucelli, pesci, de ognisorte, et fare sapori, torte, pastelli, al modo de tutte le provincie, [et] molte altre ge[n]tilezze, co[m]posta p[er] maestro Giova[n]n[i] de Roselli, Fra[n]cese [] , 6 Rpt.

An Old Irish Vision recounts the bound Cathal forced to listen to long lists of food without being fed: I thank Victoria Simmons for this reference. Significant Italian iconographic representations may be found in Angeleri , , n.

Until recently, for instance, they were closely associated with markets and fairs and hence, as itinerants, shared in their negative social status Leydi It has also been noted that it was precisely during times of severe strictures and social repression that topoi such as Cockaigne, Feast of Fools, and Carnival—that is, temporary safety valves—became most necessary and efficacious, for example, during the times of Rabelais, Cyrano, and Marivaux cf.

The evolution of Cuccagna, for instance, during the seventeenth century was, in part, due to the increasing rigidity of economic conditions, the reaffirmation of social class and privilege, and the culture of the Counter Reformation, intent on quashing all expressions of presumed immorality and licentiousness cf.

For King Cockaigne in the German tradition, see the illustrations in Harms , n. Cheesman contends that they actually document large-scale social trauma Cheesman , 51—52 , just as the ongoing preoccupation with food in immigrant cultures seems to do, I might add.

This albero may originally have been a Maypole, a phallic symbol cf. This was the age of ingenious apparati and mechanisms, capricious and inventive techniques that enhanced, indeed made, theater and spectacle—on the public piazza as well as in the theater proper.

The art of scenografia stage sets was born from such an Italian milieu, and its identity merges with architecture during the Baroque period cf. Mancini , introduction; see also Mancini Similar spectacular feedings of the poor at the public trough could have been witnessed in many parts of Italy. Under the gaze of refined citizens, the inelegant and uncouth country brides and grooms must have once again provided good fun.

Published in , and during the previous year as installments in Il mattino, Naples. A more recent edition, edited by Mario Pomilio was published in Florence by Vallecchi in Serao [] Of course, the Gold Rush itself did much to reactivate that part of the myth, as many Europeans not necessarily of the lower classes this time made the transAtlantic journey as goldseekers.

And wealth has remained the substance of the American Dream, one might add. On this motif, see Cocchiara ; Kunzle ; and Lafond and Redondo ; on the general topic of inversion, see Babcock On Italian songs of emigration, see Savona and Straniero This represents an international movement to safeguard local foodways and food producers while educating the public on global food economics and their impact on biodiversity and food traditions see.

Works Cited Ackermann, Elfriede Marie. With an Inquiry into its History in European Literature. Amundsen, Svein Schroeder, and Reimund Kvideland, eds. Bibliografia delle stampe popolari a carattere profano. The French Renaissance in Prints: Symbolic Inversion in Art and Society.

Rabelais and His World. Translated by Helene Iswolsky. Il carnevale del a Napoli: Leggende e racconti popolari della Lombardia. Le incisioni di Giuseppe Maria Mitelli. Duchartre and Van Buggenhoudt. Le stampe popolari italiane. Bertarelli, Achille, and A. Tre secoli di vita Milanese nei documenti iconografici — Blegen, Theodore Christian, and Martin B. Norwegian Emigrant Songs and Ballads.

University of Minnesota Press. Bonanni, Luciano, and Giancarlo Ricci. Fairy Tales and Society: Illusion, Allusion, and Paradigm. University of Pennsylvania Press. Fiabe Italiane raccolte dalla tradizione popolare durante gli ultimi cento anni e trascritte in lingua dai vari dialetti da Italo Calvino. Printed in English as Italian Folktales.

Translated by George Martin. Harcourt, Brace Jovanovich, Reggio Emilia; Giorgio Vezzani, journal ed. Centro di Studi sul Teatro Medioevale e Rinascimentale: Il contributo dei giullari alla drammaturgia italiana delle origini.

The Calabrian Villanella and Immigrant Epiphanies. Utah State University Press. University of Wales Press. Eating Freaks Germany, c. Chiappelli, Fredi, Michael J. Allen, and Robert L. First Images of America: Tradizioni popolari in Friuli. Land of Cocaigne and Golden Age. Il mondo alla rovescia. Fears, dreams, and falling in the Italian lullaby. Angoscia, sogno e caduta nella ninnananna italiana. La ricerca folklorica, Istituto Italiano de Cultura, Book and Sound Recording.

An Italian Canadian Architectural Archetype. An Encyclopedia, edited by S. Wine Culture Among Toronto Italians. Programme pour une Recherche. Bibliografia delle stampe popolari profane dal fondo Capponi della Biblioteca Vaticana. Opera, Festivity, and Famine in Naples, Institutions and Ceremonies, edited by Reinhard Strohm. Fortunati, Vita and Giampaolo Zucchini, eds.

Paesi di Cuccagna e mondi alla rovescia. Gli italiani al nuovo mondo: Il formaggio e i vermi: The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century Miller. La vita e le opere di Guilio Cesare Groce. Harms, Wolfgang and Cornelia Kemp, eds. Memories of Snoose Boulevard, Minneapolis: The New Golden Land: The Iconography of a European Broadsheet Type. Lafond, Jean and Augustin Redondo, eds. La Bataille de Caresme et de Charnage.

Feste ed apparati civili e religiosi in Napoli dal Viceregno alla capitale. Translated from German by Lidia Croce. Arts of Italian Americans in Philadelphia. An Englishman in Verona. University of Illinois Press. A Self-Portrait of a People. University of Oklahoma Press. Opera nova chiamata Epulario, la quale tracta il modo de cucinare ogni carne, ucelli, pesci, de ogni sorte, et fare sapori, torte, pastelli, al modo de tutte le provincie, [et] molte altre ge[n]tilezze, co[m]posta p[er] maestro Giova[n]n[i] de Roselli, Fra[n]cese Venice: In Le lettere di Messer Andrea Calmo riprodotte sulle stampe migliori, — La maschera della Cuccagna: Spreco, rivolta e sacrificio nel carnevale napoletano del Bibliografia delle stampe popolari italiane della R.

Biblioteca Nazionali di S. Il Paese di Cuccagna. Treves previously published in in installments in the daily Il mattino, Naples. Reprint, Mario Pomilio, ed. Printed in English as The Land of Cockayne.

Cannibalism and Oral Greed. Fairy Tales and the Culture of Childhood, — Il pane, la beffa e la festa: Tranese, Giovanni Il Giouannino detto il Tranese. Presses Universitaires de Vincennes. The Vision of MacConglinne. Danish Emigrant Ballads and Songs. Southern Illinois University Press.

Storia di Campriano contadino. Zorzi, Rosella Mamoli, It was published in London and attracted considerable attention. The second collection, Indian Fairy Tales, followed, by the very young Maive Stokes, daughter of another senior civil servant in Calcutta. Simultaneously came the collection Legends of Punjab —85 by Captain R. Temple, and the last two decades of the nineteenth century saw the publication of many collections of Indian folklore by British missionaries, civil and military officers, and their family members in India.

While the history of British orientalist writing in India was already more than a century old, the folklore collections started and were popularized mainly from , a decade after India had received a new Queen, Victoria.

The collections of Indian folklore compiled by British officers, missionaries, and others almost always featured a long preface to the volume, written either by the collector or by another colleague-friend who was considered to be more knowledgeable—though not necessarily about Indian folklore.

These prefaces, some of which are the subject of the present analysis, sought to introduce to the intended European readers not only the tales in the collection but also India, her folk, folklore, culture, and history. The folklore collector thus defined the comprehension of the folklore texts. This expansion of knowledge boundaries corresponded with the expansion of British political, administrative, and military influence in the physical interior of the subcontinent.

These images of India were not based on pure imagination or fantasy, as the collectors were temporarily or permanently living in India, nor were they the first to write on Indian culture. The writings of the British in India and their reception in England formed an orbit in which the imaginings of India traversed the continents.

This orbit also shaped the fantasies, perceptions, and writings of the average male folklore collector: On reaching India as an officer or missionary, his relationship to Indian reality was channeled ideologically through the media of British colleagues and superiors and through the overwhelming numbers of the Indian staff—from personal cooks and barbers to clerks and secretaries.

In this orbital generation and communication of images, the real India with her real people did not directly figure in the scheme of this discourse. Thus the British folklore collector was free of the real India, since the representation had to communicate not with the represented but with those ignorant of the real.

Examples of the prefaces to collections of Indian folktales made by British missionaries, administrators, and military officers in the second half of the nineteenth century have been randomly chosen but two types of closely associated material have been specifically excluded: Reference to their works will be made in the analysis because quite often the prefaces or introductions to their collections were written by the father, husband, or male folklorist friend.

Prefaces to ethnological works and reports written as part of official government duty and policy, such as surveys, censuses, and compilations of details of tribes have not been included, although these may contain information on folk customs and beliefs.

The differences in their social and political status and in the nature of their official work determined not only the course of their interaction with but also their experience of the narrators.

Yet the similarity among them is striking, not only in their perception of the people and their culture but even in their linguistic expression of them. Even regional differences of their subject matter become blurred by a set of phrases and idiomatic expressions which by their omnipresence seem to be prescribed. India, the folklore collector, and the folktales.

The first constituent, India, mainly comprised the geographical identification of the locale of the folktale collection, highlights of its history whenever possible ,2 and the description of the state of mind of the people. The folktales were identified according to the ethnicity of their carriers, and almost every collector attempted a theoretical position on the issue of their antiquity.

Similarities are the norm in the treatment of these three subjects by different folklore collectors in the second half of the nineteenth century in colonial India, while differences are limited to descriptions of the geographic locales. Its wealth attracted European greats like Alexander, Columbus, and many others, but none of them could ever possess it. From these tales much about their history can be learnt, but they themselves do not know this.

This is extremely puzzling and most disquieting. A tale in conflicting dualities? The land is marvelous, but the inhabitants are not; the history of this land is old and in ancient times it has seen many philosopherkings, but at present it is enveloped in darkness; the folklore is abundant, ancient, and well-preserved, but its carriers and creators are stupid and ignorant; the claim that the real Indian folk are the source of the collection enhances its trustworthiness, but the folk themselves are untrustworthy and become understandable only through the mediation of the folklore collector; they are uncorrupted by European influence but easily communicate with the British folklore collector; their folklore has been preserved since the dawn of history, but it is at present in danger of being lost to the world; their superstitions and revenue are mixed up in their mind, but they do not see that the revenue collector and the folklore collector are the same person; and so on.

These not-so-obvious dualities of positive and negative attributes reflect the essential logic of orbital communication in the context of the colonial empire. Each and every one of the intended readers has a role to play in this India: There is something also for the glory of collective English martyrdom—all this which is available in plenty is not very easily haveable: Folklore therefore ought to be collected ahead of the march of European civilization and published in English translations in London.

No one has anything to lose, only everything to gain—materially, intellectually, and morally. The real space of India is thus imaginatively prefaced for the advancement of colonial intervention in various spheres of her social, cultural, and political life. The two obvious sides of this imagining of India are that it is being imagined by the British residents of colonial India and it is being imagined for the general populace, scholars, and government institutions in England.

The orbit in which the imaginings travel, however, revolves not around the imaginary but around that real India which is under British colonial rule and with the resources with which the British society and economy are variously involved.

It is this involvement which has to be both projected and hidden. This is thus a tale in conflicting dualities: The folktale called India is not yet complete because the moving force, the dynamic character in this stagnant India, has not been portrayed, and that is the Prefaced Space: Tales of the Colonial British Collectors of Indian Folklore 69 folklore collector, whose primary role is the representation of British colonial interests, whether as missionary, district administrator, revenue collector, military officer, or a combination of these roles.

The similarities in their perception and explication of India find parallels in their depiction of themselves, their work, and their life in the colony.

This depiction is a tale about the collection of folklore in India and is again meant for the general public, government ministries, and other specialists in England. Tale Two A Colonizer Called the Folklorist After endless travails of a lonely journey, a British officer or missionary reaches this socially stagnant, geographically beautiful, and in remote history great land. He has been trained to understand the aims of the government or the institution he is representing and to rule the people under him, but he does not understand this people, their culture, nor in most cases their language.

His task is a very difficult one, mainly because the collection of folklore is to be done alongside official work. He personally records the tales, and sometimes, while on an official tour of the countryside, he has the villagers called to his camp6 to narrate their traditional tales and local stories about neighborhood shrines and monuments. At other times he visits the villages and sees and hears people in various kinds of gatherings listening to traditional tales.

The power of the folklore collector over these people is complete and they are his obedient servants, but he still has reason to mistrust them. But he carries on his task, realizing 70 Imagined States that he is digging into a gold mine and with a threefold objective: He also hopes to contribute to the enrichment of science i.

It is a tale of victory against odds: The victories and odds are again in fine balance: They encounter difficulties along their way, but not impossible situations; the colony is uncomfortable, not hostile; the narrators are confusing, not resistant; the problems of understanding this culture are due to its being enveloped in darkness and not due to the ignorance of the collector.

These dualities too formed a harmonious whole: The folklore collection was itself a statement about his being more than a mere official and representative of the state and its institutions, and it assigned to him an identity as a scholar of Indian culture.

The folklore collector could not have been very wrong in his aspirations because most such Indian folklore collectors on going back to England were recognized as such scholars: The missionaries often lived in the houses of the British officers.

These Indian assistants were those knowing a modicum of English and, obviously, the local language and dialect and could therefore act as scribes, interpreters, and translators. More often than not, they were themselves the source of various stories.

He also never mentions any social or political disturbance in the country of his residence, nor even any sign of resistance to British authority. If India is a mirror of any part of the Indian subcontinent, then likewise the folklore collector is symbolic of the colonial state as a whole. And while this parallel is never consciously drawn, the story of so many folklore collectors leads one to imagine administrators, spiritual leaders, and rulers who, in an alien land, are trying to achieve difficult targets, learn the languages of the people, make them known to the world, contribute to the growth of the sciences, and record oral narratives which may soon vanish.

As mentioned earlier, the collections generally carried tales of a particular region and sometimes only of a particular community, but the similarity in their categorization and their claims to authenticity are strikingly similar.

These tales delight young and old alike, who listen to them in groups under trees, beside blazing logs of fire, in the village guest house, and almost anywhere else. The latter is however not an important issue. The similarities in tales found in India and in Europe should be attributed to the similarity of human mind and needs.

Of course, crosscultural influences are present in every country. To this tale of tales, some British folklore collectors of colonial India prefixed a classification and added an index whereby the focus was on the discussion of themes and characters.

Their religious basis, too, was generally specified. Besides this, the comprehension of the tales and narrative traditions is similar in the writings of these collectors. Once again, the logic of conflicting dualities presents itself anew: The question of the age of the Indian tales is an interesting one as it seems to concern each and every collector. How old these tales are in comparison with European folktales is a question whose answer is not sought, but commented upon.

Here is another conflicting duality: In the following quotation each statement is refuted by the next, and the final position is an understanding of history arising from the nineteenth century power equation between the East and the West: It does not, of course, follow that, because a story is found both in Europe and Asia, therefore the western version has been borrowed from the east.

Far more difficult is it to believe in. They are only old enough to make themselves attractive entertainment and provide knowledge about the age-old ideas of the colonized subject. The tale of tales does not tell us much about the tales. The folklore collector having taken enough space in the prefaces in telling the tale about himself, about India, dedicates the book to relatives or to inspiring British colleagues, for whose expansion of knowledge and entertainment the collection was meant anyway.

Conclusion The prefaces to the collections of Indian folklore by British missionaries and officers in the second half of the nineteenth century were prefaces to the geographical and political space called India—the British colony.

In this game of hide and reveal, a narrative is created which is universal in its application and particular in its implication. The depiction 74 Imagined States of India, the Folklorist, and the Tales is couched in terms of universal beauty, zeal, and antiquity, and were this place not called India, it could be anywhere in the world. Unless the implications of this identification of which the writers themselves were conscious are taken into consideration, the need for this imagining of India by British colonial officials and missionaries for the European public and scholars may be ignored as reflective of the state of under development of European folkloristics.

One would further argue that for this reason even the scholars of the time were unable to pose the following questions: Why should people be poor in a resourceful land? Why should their stories be storehouses of wisdom while they themselves are ignorant and stupid? Why should their folklore, which they have preserved for thousands of years, be threatened with oblivion now?

Why does it not sadden the folklore collector that European civilization is threatening the existence of those traditions he is so zealously collecting? Contemporary European scholars could not have seen the conflicting dualities in the writings of these folklore collectors and could not have asked these questions.

They could not have asked these questions, not because of limitations of knowledge and information, but because they saw the development of their field of study as a boon of colonization. These were the motivating factors not only for the British folklore collectors in India but also at various other levels of debate.

Sidney Hartland, president of the Folk-Lore Society and a man who had himself collected materials amongst African tribes, crystallized these possibilities and needs in the colonial context in his presidential address of No ruler who does not understand his subjects can govern them for the best advantage, either theirs or his.

But we have ventured to urge another consideration—the interests of anthropological science—interests only to be subordinated to those of actual government. For when in all directions the speculative science of to-day becomes the practical and applied science of to-morrow, who shall venture to deny such a possibility to anthropology?

The government of India, under the Prefaced Space: Risley, and thanks to the statesmanlike grasp and energy of Lord Curzon, is taking measures for an Ethnographical Survey of that teeming Empire. The mother country in her turn will surely show a just appreciation of the duties of a civilized nation. We are helping to macadamize the world for the benefit of modern commerce.

It will certainly destroy much that can never be replaced, much that is picturesque, much that is capable, rightly construed. To have missed an opportunity like the present of accumulating a large body of evidence within and beyond. In other words, the political authority could also claim intellectual authority over the ruled.

In the process of shaping this knowledge, new structures of power emerged: Moreover, his conclusions were to become not only a means of defining but also of effectively governing them. In the postcolonial world, reflecting continuance of the ideological structures of power and scholarship in neocolonial forms, the British folklore collectors of colonial India have retained their credibility amongst folklorists for having done monumental work in a foreign land, often recording traditions now extinct.

Their evaluation is based on the history of European folkloristics, while the history of Indian folkloristics remains, in a comprehensive and exhaustive manner, untraced, unanalyzed, and unappreciated. Dorson is highly appreciative of the work of every such folklorist and defines the Indian context in the colonial terms of the nineteenth century: Unlike Australia and Africa, the homes of savages, India offered the special charm of an ancient high culture lurking behind the nineteenth century realities of Hindu village castes and aboriginal hill tribes.

Here was the ideal ground to examine both survivals and diffusion. Dorson , —34 Besides the fact that this is a rather meaningless statement about India, it is surprising that it comes not from but The first half of the statement needs the question how? All these evaluations have been made without considering the fact that these gentlemen not only recorded the folklore of various parts and peoples of India for the benefit of the colonial state but also, directly or indirectly, contributed to the processes of social and political impoverishment and disintegration of its bearers and sponsors.

The British folklore collectors of colonial India not only continued to fuel the imaginings of India but also defined the pattern of research into Indian folklore: This is a statement of fact made without consideration of the politics of academic institutions.

The British folklore collectors of India left without having established any significant institution of folklore studies in India. The analysis of the writings of the British folklore collectors of colonial India is rendered necessary not, at least not primarily, due to their having collected material now extinct but mainly because the way they made their contemporaries Prefaced Space: Neither contemporary nineteenth century scholarship nor a large part of our own dissociates itself from the logic of conflicting dualities to see that through their writings on Indian folklore the British colonial officers and missionaries created in the second half of the nineteenth century a tale about India suited to the interests of the colonial state.

This is the subject of a paper I have under preparation. Or again, listening to the murmuring of the river. Most other writers also use these terms with minor variations. Many folklore collectors directly and indirectly invite students and scholars to India. Beams cautions against the superstitions of the natives. An almost official invitation comes from H. Risley, in charge of the ethnographical survey of India: Every collector emphasizes that he is the first to collect these tales, which may be correct in the modern sense of collection of folklore.

A carpet for the operator is spread under a tree in the vicinity of the spot which the Magistrate has chosen. Temple claims to have attended fairs and festivals. During his travels through the villages, Swynerton, sees tales being narrated and people listening in rapt attention; so much so that they do not seem to have noticed the arrival of the foreigner!

Gordon narrates being awakened at night to listen to the roaring of a tiger whom the villagers believed to be the soul of a dead and deadly Rajput. An expression common to many writers, including those not discussed in this paper.

These aims are common to most collectors, although the emphasis varies; e. However, matters of administration do seem to be the concern of the missionaries. Two examples are those of R. Temple — and William Crooke — He edited several books on Indian subjects and was elected fellow of the British Academy in and in —president of the Jubilee Congress of the Folk-Lore Society, London.

Similar or more glamorous career records may be found in the personalities of Ibbetson, Grierson, and Risley. Indian staff ranged from personal attendants to office clerks and thus surrounded any British officer all through the day. Many of them are on record for having contributed in the collection as well as translation of tales.

They themselves contributed tales see following note Often what they told the officer in day-to-day communication about their beliefs and practices also became material for folklore collections. In a way, the Indian employees who guided the research in different roles simultaneously were anthropological objects subject to observation.

Crooke credits many of his attendants and assistants for various stories in many of his works. See also Steel and Temple, Tales of the Colonial British Collectors of Indian Folklore 79 University in , detailed the advantages of anthropological knowledge for every section of the British population in the British colonies based on his Indian experience: So it does, but he who profits first and best is he who knows the most of mankind and its ways.

To the administrator and the magistrate and to judge especially, there is an apparently small accomplishment which can be turned into a mighty lever for gaining a hold on the people: British Museum Library, London. Works Cited Beams, John, ed. University of Chicago Press. Sir Richard Temple, Bt. The Proceedings of the British Academy, vol.

Humphrey, Milford Amen House. Folk Tales of Kashmir. British Official as Anthropologist in India. Studies in Sociology of Culture Past and Present. A Collection of Tales: With Numerous Illustrations by Native Hands.

Manuscripts to Legends of Punjab. The Scandinavian Tradition The heyday of railway construction in Norway lasted about fifty years, running from to , when the main railways were built. Approximately ten to twelve thousand men and a few women earned their living through railway construction. They led a transient life, with no fixed residence, working their way from one completed railway project to the next.

When no new railroad construction work was available, they moved on to working the mines or to road construction. A Nordic, or at least a Norwegian-Swedish, labor market already existed at this time. In both languages a neologism was newly coined to designate this occupational group. The work itself was backbreaking, while working conditions were abysmal. Their brief period of social acceptability lasted a mere few weeks or, more precisely, as long as their money lasted.

Only when a construction project was completed and they got their wages did they enjoy some social reprieve from a life of marginality. During this historic period the railway navvies constructed their own history by means of epic songs or ballads. In the mid-twentieth century, scholars showed great interest in the history of this socio-occupational class. Oral life stories were collected and published both in Sweden and in Norway as part of major fieldwork campaigns aimed at collecting the life histories or autobiographies of various occupational groups.

This period produced significant archival and published materials e. The general themes were more or less to be found in all such songs, and all were sung to the well-known melodies of cabaret and popular songs.

They were, of course, transmitted orally 80 Working the Railways, Constructing Navvy Identity 81 or by way of broadsides. It was largely thanks to a university librarian, Hanna Lund in Oslo, herself of a railway navvy family, that many such songs were collected and partly published during the s and s. Having perhaps a vested interest in the cultural image of the railway workers, Hanna Lund painted a positive and romantic picture of this occupational group Lund These ballads are, to be sure, little known outside Scandinavia, and even less popular in Denmark than they are in Norway and Sweden themselves cf.

Curiously enough, they appear to be altogether unknown in Finland. One possible explanation is that Finland was under Russian rule during the time of its railway construction, and further, in Finland, the railways were built by the Russians.

In the German tradition, they were scarcely known at all Steinitz —62, 1: In the following pages, I draw upon the pioneering work by Ina-Maria Greverus, Der territoriale Mensch , and on her hypothesis that all human actions, including those actions intended and planned, take place in real or imagined space.

Every such location is always a specific and definite space which humanity imbues with its own values. As literary manifestations, these ballads give us an understanding of the struggle for cultural identity and for a respectable social niche by an occupational group leading a shiftless existence, doing gruelling work on a contract basis, with no fixed address, and plagued by its own marginal socioeconomic status. But to appreciate and fully understand this worldview and this struggle, some historical context is necessary, as is a close examination of the themes expressed in these songs and of the functions they served.

Norwegian railway ballads frequently describe the actual construction of a particular railroad or else certain episodes of construction projects. The songwriter often presents himself through rather formulaic phrases, either in the opening or closing verses.

He may open as follows: Or he may end his song like this: My name is Albert Palmberg; I am 20 years old; Lund , no. Naming the songwriter, of course, is intended to give the songs a mark of authenticity and to corroborate their veracity. Indeed, one of the most important issues of these ballads is to establish their credibility. The central theme of this occupational song genre, work, must be presented in a positive way, or at least, it must provide a positive understanding of the reasons for the particular construction project.

The railway navvy is proud of his manual labor. He has mastered the art of building solid and beautiful stone walls, of cutting and dressing stones, of blasting through tunnels.

The railway between Oslo and Bergen, for instance, is described in the following words: Her reises et verk i den evige sne som fremtidens slekter med stolthet kan se. That they were able to work outdoors was also considered a blessing, even though songwriters seldom reached great heights in descriptions of nature. The actual working conditions as described were anything but ideal, for the work itself was hard and dangerous.

It took place on steep mountainsides at the constant risk of rock slides. Explosions that blinded or mutilated workers for life were a fact of daily life.

Yet these circumstances too were seen in a positive light and did not diminish their praise of work well done. The clanging of sledgehammer on mallet and the explosion of dynamite was like music to their ears.

Living conditions were likewise bleak. Navvies normally lived in primitive barracks, cramped and drafty, but described them instead as castles of freedom. Food was miserable, since they did not have the money to buy good food, and the females employed to prepare their meals were anything but fine cooks.

Further, management-employee relations were a source of resentment for navvies. Employers did not respect their workers, were not interested in their welfare, and were concerned only with extracting the maximum amount of work out of the men for as little payment as possible. Social relations with other occupational groups were likewise vexed. Storekeepers and farmers, for instance, considered navvies socially inferior and swindled them whenever possible. Navvies were welcomed while they had money in their pockets, for they were open handed, and while it lasted, hard liquor flowed and girls gathered around.

When the money ran out, so too did friends and women. Railway workers displayed a remarkable degree of solidarity. One incident in particular, for example, which took place on the Narvik railway, tells us a great deal on this topic. During the arrest of a navvy, a policeman struck him on the head with a stick, and the next morning, the prisoner was found dead in his cell. The navvies gathered and determined to take vengeance on the policeman, but they did not have that satisfaction, for the authorities helped their own and found the policeman passage for his escape to America.

Undeterred, the navvies took up a collection of money, it was told, and sent an armed man to America, who tracked the policeman down and shot him dead Bull , ; cf. This sense of solidarity, hardly noticed or valued by their contemporaries, was a life source in times of urgent need. Since railway work itself was so dangerous, many of the men frequently suffered serious accidents.

Neither health insurance nor disability pension was the social norm, and mutual aid was the only resort. Very often, when a disabled worker had been blinded, a young boy had to be found to lead him to the construction site.

However, many were too proud to beg for money. Instead, they wrote or commissioned songs telling their life stories, with emphasis placed, of course, on their accidents and sad lots. Such songs were written in the broadside ballad style, full of pathos and semiliterary diction.

Armed with song, disabled workers would travel the country over, singing and selling their broadsheets. In fact, many such singers were blind men due to occupational accidents. One of the last and best known singing navvies was Blind Fredrik — , who traveled throughout northern Norway. The song he wrote about the accident that blinded and crippled him was banned by the police, but he went on singing it nonetheless.

In his final years he focused on the singing and selling of his own ballads. Again and again he would visit construction sites, and with songs and good humor he was always a welcome guest Skogheim and Sandvik Since disabled workers had nothing to fear from management, for they had neither security of employment nor health benefits, they could allow themselves to openly criticize both working conditions and the lack of insurance benefits.

On the other hand, a navvy with a job had to choose his words carefully in order to protect himself. Such was the fate of Johannes Birkeland, who wrote a song about the Flekkefjord railway in southern Norway. He described the terrible working conditions and pitiful wages on this job site and criticized inspectors and foremen alike. But worst of all, he ended his song with an appeal to workers to abandon their work. He was fired and two years later died of tuberculosis—the fate of many a navvy.

In a few late railroad ballads we find a new political discourse, especially in the ballads written by C. When he found his way to Norway, working as a navvy on the construction of the railroad between Bergen and Voss, he became one of the pioneers of the labor movement headquartered in Bergen.

He consciously made use of songs and broadside prints as a tool of political agitation. One of his songs1 was printed in six editions between and Early in , I discovered two well-used copies of this song in a private collection. They were first and foremost a vehicle for the creation of occupational identity and social pride.

How was this accomplished? By the rather unusual means of interpreting in a positive way, a lifestyle which society generally judged negatively. That is, their worldview inverted the normal state of affairs and values.

To be without roots and homeless was described positively in terms of a life of freedom. Similarly, the dangerous working conditions were a source of pride, for there one displayed courage. Neither were navvies able to save money or marry. On the contrary, navvies considered squandering money, drinking freely, and brawling in barrooms, to be positive habits. In conclusion, these ballads actively construct a narrative of identity and of territoriality.

They could also be considered an argument for identity. Greverus , [First and foremost territory is the space of identification necessarily comprising the space of protection and of action.

The familiarity of the territory is based on the familiarity of its values and norms, its meanings and its demands on behavior. The satisfying territory for the subject man is rooted in need satisfaction through undisturbed, fulfilled behavior in socioculturally structured space. Contrary to the songs of sailors and emigrants, in these songs there is no departure from a specific place, no tearful leave-takings, no homesickness. The place of birth is mentioned only casually, as the starting point for the song, but it is not longed for nor is it criticized.

It is the construction site which becomes a kind of locus of self-identification, even though it is a place of only temporary affiliation.