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Black men, however, were still less likely than White men to marry early, and Hispanic men were more likely to marry early than White men. Other demographic and family characteristics played a prominent role in early marriage as well. People who grew up in the South were more likely to marry at younger ages than those from other parts of the country, net of correlated factors such as urbanicity and religious affiliation. Similarly, young adults who grew up in rural areas were also more likely to marry younger than those from the suburbs.
Parental socioeconomic status and marital characteristics also influenced marital timing. Young adults from different family structures did not vary in their marital timing, but parental marital timing did predict early marriage.
People whose parent married at age 22 or younger were far more likely to marry young themselves. Notably, this was one of the strongest predictors of early marriage. Religious traditions were also important factors in marriage during early adulthood, even after accounting for other factors that might explain the associations, such as race, region of residence, and religiosity among others.
Catholics were less likely than mainliners to do the same, whereas Black Protestants, Jews, and unaffiliated young adults had similar odds of earlier marriage as mainline Protestants though the Jewish null finding is likely attributable to a small n problem. Personal characteristics, such as religiosity, educational characteristics, and cohabitation history, also appeared to be associated with early marriage.
Young adults who reported higher religious salience during adolescence, earned a high-school diploma, and cohabited married earlier, whereas those with higher high school GPAs and educational aspirations had a lower likelihood of earlier marriage. Separate models not shown revealed that both church attendance and pledging did hasten marriage, but that the effect of these characteristics was attenuated by religious salience.
Put differently, the influence of religious service attendance and abstinence pledging on early marriage was explained by underlying internal religious commitment. Despite the significance of all these personal characteristics, however, they did not explain away the robust effects of demographics and family characteristics. Although much attention has been paid to the increasing age at first marriage in the United States, many Americans continue to marry at young ages. Given early marriage's known association with marital dissolution, it is important to pay adequate attention to these individuals who marry in early adulthood.
By documenting the prevalence of early marriage and identifying the factors associated with it in a contemporary sample of young adults, this study adds to the understanding of marriage during the transition to adulthood and highlights the need to pay due attention to the segment of the population that marries young. In general, the findings presented here suggest that despite significant and substantial changes in union formation behavior among young adults, the factors that predict early marriage have remained fairly constant across the last several decades.
In the absence of trend data, it is impossible for us to say whether the effects of these factors have weakened , but they nonetheless remain evident in the Add Health study.
Indeed, we found at least partial support for each of our hypotheses except the cohabitation hypothesis. The findings for gender and race-ethnicity, geography, family socioeconomic status, parent marital characteristics, religious affiliation, religious behaviors and attitudes, and education are all largely though not perfectly consonant with previous findings dating back to the s. A few of these findings merit further discussion. First, the finding that young adults who cohabit are more likely to marry early is the opposite of what we expected, yet is not inexplicable.
Even though a decreasing proportion of cohabitations are resulting in marriage during young adulthood Schoen et al. Thus, for at least a minority of cohabitators during early adulthood, cohabitation can be viewed as a precursor to marriage. Second, the finding that religious salience during adolescence leads to earlier marriage is notable for at least two reasons: It suggests that a previous studies that have examined only church attendance as a measure of personal religiosity e.
This study also highlights the persistence of demographic and family characteristics in predicting early marriage. Although some family background factors like resources and structure may have less of an influence on marital timing now than in the past South, ; Wolfinger, , demographic and family characteristics are robust to controls for a number of personal characteristics and even overshadow those personal characteristics.
In other words, although young adults may be less susceptible to exogenous characteristics than in the past when it comes to early marriage, they are still quite susceptible to them. Personal characteristics, although important, do not appear to be the driving factor behind marriage in early adulthood. Lastly, this study reveals that early marriage continues to occur predominantly among young adults from disadvantaged backgrounds.
The typical early married is a White, rural southerner from a low-SES family with a relatively low educational trajectory. This is not the disadvantaged American typically addressed in sociological and demographic research, but these persons are nevertheless a significant minority of the United States population.
Substantial attention has rightly been paid to the retreat from marriage among the disadvantaged in urban settings e. Early marriage comes with its own set of difficulties, however, and if understanding and supporting all marriages — be they early, normative, or late — is a goal of scholarship and policy, this population should garner more attention from both researchers and policymakers.
Simply put, researchers and policymakers need to ask not only why people, especially disadvantaged people, don't get married, but also why they do.
This research uses data from Add Health, a program project designed by J. Richard Udry, Peter S. Special acknowledgment is due Ronald R. Rindfuss and Barbara Entwisle for assistance in the original design. No direct support was received from grant PHD for this analysis. The authors would like to thank Shannon Cavanagh, Jennifer March Augustine, and Jennifer Karas Montez for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper, as well as Mark Hayward for his helpful methodological advice. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U.
Author manuscript; available in PMC Mar Uecker and Charles E. Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. See other articles in PMC that cite the published article. Abstract Despite drastic changes in the American family, a significant minority of Americans marry early. Background Research has shown marital timing is affected by an individual's demographic and family background.
In light of the findings summarized above, we formulate the following set of hypotheses: The gender and race hypothesis: Women will be more likely than men to marry early; Whites and Hispanics will be more likely than Blacks and Asians to marry early. Young adults who live in the South and in rural areas will be more likely than their counterparts to marry early.
The family socioeconomic status hypothesis: Young adults with more educated parents and from families with higher incomes will be less likely to marry early. The parent marital characteristics hypothesis: Young adults from single-parent families will be less likely to marry early than those whose biological parents are married, whereas those from stepfamilies and other family structures will be more likely to marry early than those whose biological parents are married.
Young adults whose parents married earlier will be more likely to marry early than young adults whose parents married later or not at all. The religious affiliation hypothesis: Young adults who affiliate with conservative Protestantism and Mormonism will be more likely than mainline Protestants to marry early, whereas Black Protestants, Catholics, Jews, and the nonreligious will be less likely to marry early.
The religious behaviors and attitudes hypothesis: Young adults who attend religious services more frequently, value religion more highly, and have taken an abstinence pledge will be more likely to marry early.
Young adults who have earned a high school diploma will be more likely to marry early, but those with a higher GPA and college aspirations will be less likely to marry early. Young adults who have formed a cohabiting union will be less likely to marry early than those who have not. Open in a separate window. Unless otherwise noted, all variables are Wave 1 measures.
Dependent Variable The dependent variable for this study is a binary measure of whether or not the respondent married in a given person-year or, for the table of bivariate statistics, whether or not the respondent married before age Independent Variables Past research has identified several characteristics that are predictive of marital timing. Demographic and family characteristics Because marital timing has varied widely by demographic characteristics, we include indicators of gender and race White, Black, Hispanic, and Asian.
Personal characteristics An individual's decision to marry may also be affected by personal characteristics. Analytic Approach We begin by presenting the percentage of 23 — year-old women and men who married before age 23 in Add Health Wave 3 by a number of demographic, family, and personal characteristics Table 3.
Acknowledgments This research uses data from Add Health, a program project designed by J. Estimating the effects of marriage timing on educational attainment: Some procedural issues and substantive clarifications.
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The influence of parental resources on the timing of the transition to marriage. Booth A, Edwards JN. Age at marriage and marital instability. Vital and Health Statistics. Cohabitation, marriage, divorce, and remarriage in the United States. The STD consequences of adolescent virginity pledges. Journal of Adolescent Health. What's happening to the family? Interactions between demographic and institutional change.
The role of cohabitation in declining rates of marriage. Union formation in fragile families. Continuity and change in the American family. Sage; Thousand Oaks, CA: Edin K, Kefalas MJ. Promises I can keep: Why poor women put motherhood before marriage.
High hopes but even higher expectations: The retreat from marriage among low-income couples. Journal of Marriage and Family. Educational engagement and early family formation: Differences by ethnicity and generation. Goldscheider FK, Goldscheider C. Leaving home before marriage: Ethnicity, familism, and generational relationships. The effects of childhood family structure on leaving and returning home.
Sex differences in the entry into marriage. American Journal of Sociology. Johnson T, Dye J. Retrieved April 13, , from http: The role of religion in union formation: Population Research and Policy Review. Lesthaeghe R, Surkyn J.
Cultural dynamics and economic theories of fertility change. Population and Development Review. Contextual influences on young men's transition to first marriage. Some women marry young: Transitions to first marriage in metropolitan and nonmetropolitan areas.
Entry into marriage and parenthood by young men and women: The influence of family background. Recent trends in marriage and cohabitation: Perspectives on marriage and cohabitation. Aldine de Gruyter; Hawthorne, CA: Family transitions in young adulthood. Explaining family change and variation: Challenges for family demographers.
Sex differences in marriage and parenthood as factors impeding educational attainment. How money shapes decisions to marry among cohabitors. The variable effects of family background on the timing of first marriage: United States, — The measure of American religion: Toward improving the state of the art.
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