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For these reasons, and not because I love birds the less or cats the more, I veto and withhold my approval from Senate Bill No. On June 2, , Stevenson privately gave a sworn deposition as a character witness for Alger Hiss , a former State Department official who was later found to be a spy for the Soviet Union. I think that one of the most fundamental responsibilities That would to me be the ultimate timidity.
Truman decided that he would not seek another term as president. Instead, Truman met with Stevenson in Washington and proposed that Stevenson seek the Democratic nomination for president; Truman promised him his support if he did so. Stevenson at first hesitated, arguing that he was committed to running for a second gubernatorial term in Illinois.
However, a number of his friends and associates such as George Wildman Ball quietly began organizing a "draft Stevenson" movement for President; they persisted in their activity even when Stevenson both publicly and privately told them to stop.
When Stevenson continued to state that he was not a candidate, President Truman and the Democratic Party leadership looked for other prospective candidates. However, each of the other main contenders had a major weakness. Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee won most of the presidential primaries and entered the Democratic National Convention with the largest number of delegates, but he was unpopular with President Truman and other prominent Democrats.
In Kefauver had chaired a Senate committee that traveled to several large cities and held televised hearings into organized crime. The hearings revealed connections between organized-crime syndicates and big-city Democratic political organizations, which led Truman and other Democratic leaders to oppose Kefauver's bid for the nomination: Averell Harriman , but he had never held elective office and was inexperienced in national politics.
Truman next turned to his Vice-President, Alben Barkley , but at 74 years of age he was dismissed as being too old by labor union leaders. Senator Richard Russell Jr. In the end Stevenson, despite his reluctance to run, remained the most attractive candidate heading into the Democratic National Convention in Chicago.
At the Convention, Stevenson, as governor of the host state, was assigned to give the welcoming address to the delegates. His speech was so stirring and witty that it helped stampede his nomination, in spite of his continued protests that he was not a presidential candidate. In his welcoming speech he poked fun at the Republican National Convention , which had been held in Chicago in the same coliseum two weeks earlier. Stevenson described the achievements of the Democratic Party under Presidents Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman, but noted "our Republican friends have said it was all a miserable failure.
For almost a week pompous phrases marched over this landscape in search of an idea, and the only idea that they found was that the two great decades of progress But we Democrats were by no means the only victims here. First they [Republicans] slaughtered each other, and then they went after us Following this speech, the Illinois delegation led by Jacob Arvey announced that they would place Stevenson's name in nomination, and Stevenson called President Truman to ask if "he would be embarrassed" if Stevenson formally announced his candidacy for the nomination.
Truman told Stevenson "I have been trying since January to get you to say that. Why should it embarrass me? Stevenson gradually gained strength until he was nominated on the third ballot. Stevenson accepted the Democratic nomination with an acceptance speech that, according to contemporaries, "electrified the delegates: When the tumult and the shouting die, when the bands are gone and the lights are dimmed, there is the stark reality of responsibility in an hour of history haunted with those gaunt, grim specters of strife, dissension, and materialism at home, and ruthless, inscrutable, and hostile power abroad.
Sacrifice, patience, understanding, and implacable purpose may be our lot for years to come. Let's talk sense to the American people! Let's tell them the truth, that there are no gains without pains, that we are now on the eve of great decisions.
Although Stevenson's eloquent oratory and thoughtful, stylish demeanor impressed many intellectuals, journalists, political commentators, and members of the nation's academic community, the Republicans and some working-class Democrats ridiculed what they perceived as his indecisive, aristocratic air. During the campaign Stewart Alsop , a powerful Connecticut Republican, labeled Stevenson an "egghead", based on his baldness and intellectual air.
His brother, the influential newspaper columnist Joe Alsop , used the word to underscore Stevenson's difficulty in attracting working-class voters, and the nickname stuck. In the campaign Stevenson also developed a strong dislike for Richard M. Nixon , then the GOP vice-presidential candidate. No other person aroused such disgust; not even Joseph McCarthy Friends who often wished he could be more of a hater were awed at the strength of his distaste for Nixon.
Nixon was Stevenson's complete villain. Others sensed the potential for immorality that led to Nixon's humiliating resignation in , but Stevenson was among the first. The journalist David Halberstam later wrote that "Stevenson [was] an elegant campaigner who raised the political discourse" and that in "Stevenson reinvigorated [the Democratic Party] and made it seem an open and exciting place for a generation of younger Americans who might otherwise never have thought of working for a political candidate.
Gallagher of the Flint Journal won the Pulitzer prize on the strength of the image. Stevenson did not use television as effectively as his Republican opponent, war hero Dwight D. Eisenhower , and was unable to rally the New Deal voting coalition for one last hurrah. Stevenson lost heavily outside the Solid South ; he carried only nine states and lost the Electoral College vote to In his concession speech on election night, Stevenson said: He said he felt like the little boy who had stubbed his toe in the dark.
He said that he was too old to cry, but it hurt too much to laugh. Baker summarized Stevenson's campaign: Stevenson dramatized the complex feelings of educated elites, some of whom came to adore him not because he was a liberal, but because he was not His approach to voters as rational participants in a process that depended on weighing the issues attracted reformers, intellectuals, and middle-class women with time and money the "Shakespeare vote", joked one columnist.
Or as one enthralled voter wrote "You were too good for the American people. Following his defeat, Stevenson in made a well-publicized world tour through Asia, the Middle East and Europe, writing about his travels for Look magazine.
His political stature as head of the Democratic Party gave him access to many foreign leaders and dignitaries.
When the Democrats won control of both houses of Congress and picked up nine gubernatorial seats it "put Democrats around the country in Stevenson's debt and greatly strengthened his position as his party's leader. Unlike , Stevenson was an announced, active candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination in Although he recovered and eventually decided to run for a second term, concerns about his health led two prominent Democrats, Tennessee Senator Estes Kefauver and New York Governor Averell Harriman, to decide to challenge Stevenson for the Democratic nomination.
At the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, former President Truman endorsed Governor Harriman, to Stevenson's dismay, but the blow was softened by former first lady Eleanor Roosevelt 's continued enthusiastic support. In a bid to raise enthusiasm for the Democratic ticket, Stevenson made the unusual decision to leave the selection of his running mate up to the convention delegates. After fending off a surprisingly strong challenge from Kennedy, Kefauver narrowly won the vice-presidential nomination on the second ballot.
Kennedy traveled with the Stevenson campaign, hoping to "take home some lessons on how to manage a presidential campaign. It was poorly organized In I had been crazy about him Then I spent six weeks with him on the campaign and he destroyed it all. Ball recalled "My impression was that Bobby was a very surly and arrogant young man I don't know why we had him along.
Against the advice of many of his political advisers, Stevenson insisted on calling for an international ban to aboveground nuclear weapons tests, and for an end to the military draft. We don't want to live forever in the shadow of a radioactive mushroom cloud Civil rights was emerging rapidly as a major political issue. Stevenson urged caution and warned against aggressive enforcement of the Supreme Court's Brown decision in order to gain Southern white support. Liberal Democrats, too, flinched before Brown.
Stevenson, front-runner for the party's presidential nomination in , urged the government to "proceed gradually" on school desegregation in deference to the South's long-held "traditions.
Stevenson carried most of Dixie in the fall campaign but received just 61 percent of the black vote, low for a Democrat, and lost the election to Eisenhower by a landslide. While President Eisenhower suffered heart problems, the economy enjoyed robust health. Stevenson's hopes for victory were dashed when, in October, Eisenhower's doctors gave him a clean bill of health and the Suez and Hungary crises erupted simultaneously.
The public was not convinced that a change in leadership was needed. Early in , Stevenson resumed law practice , allying himself with Judge Simon H.
Rifkind to create a law firm based in Washington, D. Minow ; each of these men later served in the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. He also accepted an appointment, along with other prominent Democrats, to the new Democratic Advisory Council, which "pursued an aggressive line in attacking the [Republican] Eisenhower administration and in developing new Democratic policies. In early Stevenson announced that he would not seek a third Democratic presidential nomination, but would accept a draft.
One of his closest friends told a journalist that "Deep down, he wants [the Democratic nomination]. But he wants the [Democratic] Convention to come to him, he doesn't want to go to the Convention. Kennedy , who was actively campaigning for the Democratic nomination, visited Stevenson at his Libertyville home.
Kennedy asked Stevenson for a public endorsement of his candidacy; in exchange Kennedy promised, if elected, to appoint Stevenson as his Secretary of State. Stevenson turned down the offer, which strained relations between the two men. Kennedy , reportedly threatened Stevenson in a meeting, telling him that unless he agreed to place his brother's name in nomination "you are through.
The night before the balloting Stevenson began working actively for the nomination, calling the leaders of several state delegations to ask for their support. The key call went to Chicago Mayor Richard J. Daley , the leader of the Illinois delegation. The delegation had already voted to give Kennedy Stevenson then "asked if this meant no support in fact or no support because the delegates thought he was not a candidate.
Daley replied that Stevenson had no support. Do not leave this prophet without honor in his own party. Once Kennedy won the nomination, Stevenson, always an enormously popular public speaker, campaigned actively for him. Due to his two presidential nominations and previous United Nations experience, Stevenson perceived himself an elder statesman and the natural choice for Secretary of State. However, "although Jack and Bobby would have been just as happy to freeze Stevenson out of the administration, they felt compelled to offer him something" due to his continued support from progressive Democrats.
Many years later it was revealed that during the campaign Stevenson was approached by Soviet Ambassador Menshikov who offered Soviet financial and public relations help to assist him in getting elected if he decided to run.
Stevenson flatly rejected the Soviet offer telling Menshikov that he, "considered the offer of such assistance highly improper, indiscreet and dangerous to all concerned.
At the United Nations Stevenson worked hard to support U. However, he was often seen as an outsider in the Kennedy administration, with one historian noting "everyone knew that Stevenson's position was that of a bit player.
He thinks that if you talk long enough you get a soft option and there are very few soft options as president. In April Stevenson suffered the greatest humiliation of his diplomatic career in the Bay of Pigs invasion. After hearing rumors that "a lot of refugees wanted to go back and overthrow Castro", Stevenson voiced his skepticism about an invasion, but "he was kept on the fringes of the operation, receiving It would have some American cooperation, but only with the training and financing.
Castro knew the landings would occur; only Adlai Stevenson was kept in the dark" about the invasion by President Kennedy and his aides. Kennedy, anticipating that Stevenson might be angered at being left out of the discussions over whether to invade Cuba, told Schlesinger that "the integrity and credibility of Adlai Stevenson constitute one of our great national assets. I don't want to do anything to jeopardize that", and he asked Schlesinger to let Stevenson know that the president was shielding him from many of the details to protect him in case the clandestine operation failed.
Now my credibility has been compromised and therefore my usefulness. However, he faced strong opposition from some other EXCOMM members, who regarded such an exchange as a sign of weakness. According to Kennedy adviser and Stevenson friend George W.
Ball , who was present, these members "intemperately upbraided Stevenson During his time as UN Ambassador, Stevenson often traveled around the country promoting the United Nations in speeches and seminars. On these trips, he frequently faced opposition and protests from groups skeptical of the United Nations, such as the right-wing John Birch Society.
At one point a woman hit Stevenson on the head with a sign, leading Stevenson to remark "is she animal or human? As the country moved toward the presidential election, the war in Vietnam became an important campaign issue. The Republican presidential candidate, Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater , advocated victory in Vietnam—a rollback strategy that Johnson denounced as tantamount to nuclear war.
Stevenson was not a major player on the Vietnam issue. He did support Johnson publicly and in private because he believed in the containment of communism, but he also wanted to start negotiations with North Vietnam through the United Nations, which Johnson rejected.
He was 65 years old. As we were walking along the street he said do not walk quite so fast and do hold your head up Marietta. I was burrowing ahead trying to get to the park as quickly as possible and then the next thing I knew, I turned around and I saw he'd gone white, gray really, and he fell and his hand brushed me as he fell and he hit the pavement with the most terrible crack and I thought he'd fractured his skull.
That night in her diary, she wrote, "Adlai is dead. The journalist David Halberstam wrote of Stevenson that. Running against the great hero of the era, Dwight Eisenhower, Stevenson had lost, of course, but his voice had seemed special in that moment, a voice of rationality and elegance. In the process of defeat he had helped to salvage the party, giving it a new vitality and bringing to its fold a whole new generation of educated Americans, volunteers now in the political process, some very professional amateurs who would be masterly used by the Kennedys in If John and Robert Kennedy seemed to symbolize style in politics, much of that was derived directly from Stevenson.
He had, at what should have been a particularly low point for the party, managed to keep it vibrant and vital, and to involve a new kind of people in politics. The Central Illinois Regional Airport near Bloomington has a whimsical statue of Stevenson, sitting on a bench with his feet propped on his briefcase and his head in one hand, as if waiting for his flight.
He is depicted wearing shoes that had a hole in the sole, from having walked many miles during his election campaign. The shoe had become a symbol of his campaign. Murphy Brown briefly names her newborn son 'Adlai Stevenson'. Stevenson has also been referenced in films. Strangelove was modeled on Stevenson. Also present is Oliver's older son, Linus played by Humphrey Bogart. First, that Hungarian countess, who only married you to bring her family over: Then that Twyman girl—her family 50 years on the social register, and she has the audacity to wear on her wedding dress not a corsage but the Stevenson button!
John Iselin played by Angela Lansbury makes a reference to Stevenson in a conversation with her son played by Laurence Harvey: There are people I envy for various reasons, but I do not know if they are happy either. How do we know when we are happy? Is the only alternative unhappy?
So if a woman isn't married by 25, she's got even less of a chance of finding anyone and having a family. So she can look forward to working for the next 40 years and retiring --alone. And we wonder why she's unhappy? I think the problem is wholly 4 - happiness is probably the most subjective thing ever, and yet researchers try to objectively observe it. It was boring and stifling, but easy to measure. Now we have to measure those as well as professional indicators.
Or the grubby parts of childcare. Given the choice, I'd happily go off to work and not worry about the toilet germs because I knew my spouse was going to clean the bathroom. Unfortunately, I know I have to get up an hour early to get that done if I'm going to make it to work on time. On the other hand, my 10 year old is halfway thru Freakonomics, so we've had interesting talks on the way into school lately. The doors may be open, but it's difficult to be a mother and a worker in the workplace.
It's not difficult to be a father and a worker, though. The other factor I can think of is that there is enormous pressure on women to look a certain way. I think we were always marginalized as we got older, but now we have the tools to do Extreme Makeovers on ourselves The clothing is all marketed towards the look of a younger woman, too. Every fashion message sent says that it's not okay to look mature. I just really wonder how many men are trolling for teens compared to how many get caught.
Particularly in the UK, women's magazines and female-orientated TV dramas present happiness only as a precursor to tragedy. Women's magazines are sold on 'real-life' stories - where ordinary women experience extraordinary events. These stories typically begin by painting the subject's life as rosy - a recent wedding, a new child, a new job - until tragedy strikes! Invariably a brain tumour, an affair, or a murder. TV 'soap' dramas also present happiness only as a guaranteed harbinger of misery.
When a characters has an episode where everything goes well, the viewer knows that calamity is imminent! Now, of course, this is probably complete rubbish. But you've got to admit it's an interesting theory. Mark Lieberman did a pretty solid critique of the reporting on this study over at Language Log.
It seems pretty hard to generalize much from these trends. Girls are raised on fairy tales about a prince who comes to rescue her. Well, reality sets in. There are bills to be paid. Husbands and wives even partners who are sharing space WILL disagree. Careers will have stressful times and sometimes that stress WILL bleed over at home, just as stress in the home bleeds to the workplace.
Then when they get into one, they do not know how to make it last. Looking to others, to careers, to childrearing, etc, is NOT the way to find happiness. My suggestion, start teaching children how to handle interpersonal relationships, and intimate relationships not sex ed, emotional IQ! First by example, and reinforced by textbooks in the home and the school. If people stop looking for a "perfect family," start understanding that "perfect" is a myth, and learn to accept, love, and respect the people around them for who they are rather than trying to change them, relationships and personal happiness will improve, for men AND for women.
I'm with Josh As presented by Lieberman, only the credulous will take these kinds of "studies" with any kind of seriousness. Particularly something as amorphously defined as "happiness". Ultimately, things have changed for most women since the 's, and they may perceive these changes as affecting their happiness, but who's to say that "happiness" hasn't changed more?
I'd be more interested in an essay that reflected on how happiness has changed for a particular woman. Josh 11 posted an excellent link. If you don't have time to read the entire Lieberman article, look at the first graph Are you using Freakonomics to teach the Birds and the Bees?
I ask this because I really don't know how many 10 year olds are going be interested in the relationship between abortion and crime. It sounds far-fetched, but the fact is, most women do this without even realizing it. Checking the backseat of the car before getting in the driver's seat, checking behind the shower curtain, making sure you have money for a cab home, freaking out when the car breaks down at night in the middle of nowhere, just everyday stuff.
Does anyone know the statistics on depression rates and birth control?
As an associate, Stevenson researched precedents for the firm's probate and the precious few to an established society required four males to every female. "If you had a dinner coat and kept your ears and neck clean, you were invited,". Stevenson was elsewhere less jolly about the squalor, sickness and stench which to publish, Stevenson wrote: I presume (for I never saw it) that some cleaning Stevenson writes, 'there are males and females; in the second cabin ladies. May 18, Stevenson and Wolfers found the gap between male and female happiness in Europe, over approximately the same period, had a strikingly.