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To understand the social bearings of domestic servitude as it obtains in Hong Kong, it must be observed that although the Chinese residents of Hong Kong are under British rule and live in close proximity to English social life, there has always been an impassable gulf between respectable English and Chinese society in Hong Kong.

This exceptional class of Chinese residents here in Hong Kong consists principally of the women known in Hong Kong by the popular nickname "ham-shui-mui" lit. These Tan-ka people of the Canton river are the descendants of a tribe of aborigines pushed by advancing Chinese civilisation to live on boats on the Canton river, being for centuries forbidden by law to live on shore.

The Emperor Yung Ching A. These Tan-ka people were the secret but trusty allies of foreigners from the time of the East India Company to the present day.

They furnished pilots and supplies of provisions to British men-of-war and troop ships when doing so was by the Chinese Government declared treason, unsparingly visited with capital punishment. They invaded Hong Kong the moment the Colony was opened, and have ever since maintained here a monopoly, so to say, of the supply of Chinese pilots and ships' crews, of the fish trade, the cattle trade, and especially of the trade in women for the supply of foreigners and of brothels patronised by foreigners.

Almost every so-called "protected woman," i. It is among these Tan-ka women, and especially under the protection of those "protected T;in-ka women, that private prostitution and the sale of girls for purposes of concubinage flourishes, being looked upon by them as their legitimate profession.

Consequently, almost every "protected woman keeps a nursery of purchased children or a few servant girls who are being reared with a view to their eventual disposal, according to their personal qualifications, either among foreigners here as kept women, or among Chinese residents as their concubines, or to be sold for export to Singapore, San Francisco, or Australia.

Those protected women, moreover, generally act as protectors each to a few other Tan-ka women who live by sly prostitution. The latter, again, used to be preyed upon—till quite recently His Excellency Governor Hcnnessy stopped this fiendish practice—by informers paid with Government money, who would first debauch such women and then turn round against them charging them before the magistrate as keepers of unlicensed brothels, in which case a heavy fine would be inflicted, to pay which these women used to sell their own children, or sell themselves into bondage worse than slavery, to the keepers of the brothels licensed by Government.

Whenever a sly brothel was broken up these keepers would crowd the sheriff's office of the police court or the visiting room to the Government Lock Hospital to drive their heartless bargains, which were invariably enforced with the weighty support of the Inspectors of brothels appointed by Government under the Contagious Diseases Ordinance. The more this Ordinance was enforced the more of this buying and selling of human flesh went on at the very doors of Government offices.

It is amongst these outcasts of Chinese society that the worst abuses of the Chinese system of domestic servitude exist, because that system is here unrestrained by the powers of traditional custom or popular opinion. This class of people, mustering perhaps here in Hong Kong not more than 2, persons, are entirely beyond the argument of this essay.

They form a class of their own, readily recognised at a glance. They are disowned by Chinese society, whilst they are but parasites on foreign society. The system of buying and selling female children and of domestic servitude with which they must be identified is so glaring an abuse of legitimate Chinese domestic servitude that it calls for corrective measures entirely apart from any considerations connected with the general body of Chinese society.

Japanese prostitutes called Karayuki-san , many coming from poor villages in Kyushu , started coming to Hong Kong in , and constituted the majority of Japanese residents of the territory in the s and s. There were 13 licensed Japanese brothels and prostitutes in Hong Kong in , with the figure reaching a peak of in Initially located in Central, the Japanese brothels later moved to Wan Chai. Another major aspect of this trade is migrant sex workers.

These sex workers are particularly visible in the Wan Chai district, catering mainly to Western businessmen and tourists. The sex workers operating in this area are predominantly Thai including transsexuals and Filipino. Ziteng campaigns for changes in the law, in particular the overturn of ban on brothels with more than one prostitute, since this prevents sex workers banding together for protection.

Many migrant sex workers arrive on a short tourist visa and try to make as much as money as possible by prostituting illegally before leaving Hong Kong, some returning frequently. There are also "underground" organisations such as Thai restaurants and escort bars that arrange for foreign usually Thai and mainland girls to gain work in Hong Kong legally with an entertainment visa, but in fact they actually work in go-go bars in Wan Chai or other hostess clubs around Hong Kong.

Despite the more visible presence of Thai and Filipino sex workers in Hong Kong, the majority of migrant sex workers who come to Hong Kong are from mainland China. It is reported that with RMB10,—20,, mainland Chinese girls would normally secure a three-month visa. The necessity to make money quickly also means that the sex workers are more likely to take risks. Many mainland girls advertise their services on websites where they put their pictures, contact numbers and service charges.

Prices are lower than for girls who target the tourist hotels, variations in price being a product of location, with those working within the corridor formed by Nathan Road being on the whole higher than that found in the towns of the New Territories. Finally, the position of being a witness, arguably the most politically useful position of the four e. It is the unusual, anti-narrative process of the narration that is itself transformative in inviting the viewer to at once be there emotionally and often powerfully moved , but also to keep a cognitive distance and awareness denied to the victim by the traumatic process.

The victim in the narration bears witness to the catastrophe, but the viewer becomes the point of communication that, as Dori Laub and Robert Lifton both argue, reasserts continuity and humanity. The objection to representation in the face of the unrepresentatable character of trauma has two legitimate concerns in the history of modernity. The traumatic experience of modern wars and the frenzy of collective mobilization are elevated into a spectacle for emulation and consumption.

This leads to the customary view of the correlation between fascism and cinema. The tendency is to write them off as being exotic or as representing a regressive episode in universal history. It closes down further discussion and exploration by pronouncing an early death sentence for representation.

As a cultural memory bearing witness to the structure of domination and violence, the traumatic experience may perform a critical, demystifying function against sensationalist or ideological closure. But such cultural memory is being subjected to relentless erasure by the transnational media driven by the logic of commodity and consumption.

The transnational media, with their soap operas, talk shows, disaster stories, glamorous geography, and historical dramas, are erasing traumatic memories of oppression, violence, and injustice in both metropolitan centers and developing countries.

The culture of consumption now finds in history a new toy, a fashionable consumer item. This intensifies the shrinking of historical consciousness by rendering past traumas into spectacles and thrills: The greater danger is the visual and aesthetic sanitation of traumatic traces rather than the attempt to engage traumatic histories by resorting to narrative and imagery, on which the theory of unrepresentatable trauma would shut the door.

It is a mistake to think that investment in the abysmal, unrepresentable quality of trauma is the only way to be fair to the traumatized and injured, or the proper way to remain open-ended and to defy metaphysical, sensationalist or ideological closure.

This view privileges the epistemological quagmire provoked by trauma and ignores the practical question of why we need to remember historical trauma in a broader context, namely, modernity at large. It is equally misguided to look for a close fit in representation between an image and an imputed traumatic event. The crucial question, rather, is whether a culture is able to understand trauma as an episode in a longer chain of the structural mutations in modern systems that have accumulated a record of violence, suffering, and misery.

It is overhasty to dismiss representation and narrative on grounds of inadequacy and failure. History has shown that intensely traumatic periods spawned more narratives and images, rather than less. For, as the essays in our volume demonstrate, these are necessary responses to traumatic events, not the attempt to record them mimetically.

Narratives and images are indexes to the still unfolding traumas of a history — the history of modernity — that has become synonymous with trauma and shocks.

To come to terms with traumatic memory, and more importantly, to make a critical use of it to shed light on the chronically trauma-producing social structures so as to forge the will to change them, it is necessary that a choice be made between inadequate telling and relegating of trauma to a mystified silence.

This involves imagining on an historical and social scale. Traumatic pain, as Elaine Scarry convincingly argues, is bound up with imaging. Imaging, on the other hand, is filled with objects. To externalize the trauma is not a matter of representation, but a struggle by the wounded body to first imagine and then create a less traumatic, less painful environment. What appears to be personal imagination is social imaginary: Trauma is a product of history precisely because it is man-made and self-inflicted, and hence can be understood and altered by self-conscious human acts.

These acts for making change, for working through traumas, are imaginary, because given the depleted and exhausted cultural resources, little but the imagination is readily available for the reinvention of new narratives, new social forms. Hence the need to bestow a new form — narrative or image — upon the obscure traumatized state through imaging, as well as to read against the grain of forms like melodrama to discover traces of historical traumas.

On the contrary, trauma intensifies the urgency of re-symbolization and reveals the bankruptcy of the prior symbolization.

Trauma may provide opportunities to tap into a driving force that enables new symbolic expressions. The revolutionary-historical film was chiefly responsible for fleshing out the historical experience of modern China.

Although frequently in an heroic mode aimed at redeeming a track record of bloodstains, the ideological narrative could not completely sanitize and write off the undercurrent of traumatic experiences.

These works have produced and transmitted more than any other medium the traumatic experience of foreign aggression and the misery of the Chinese. Sponsored by Communist ideology, the trauma was invoked to help remember the wounds and stir up patriotic passion.

Yet to a mind less indoctrinated and more inclined to read against the grain, the films can offer an occasion to glimpse how traumatic traces of history seep or break through the triumphant, heroic narrative. Highlights of This Volume The growing interest in trauma bears witness to the repeated blows manifest in the horrifying events in the modern world.

The study of trauma may confront as well as and evade history. Trauma research has been important in its attempts to devise clinical cures and engage in theoretical discourse about the psychology of trauma. It is our belief that the humanistic study of trauma needs to initiate a broader socio-historical understanding of the destructive forces of the modern world. As we have shown above, as a reaction-formation, trauma discourse especially in the popular media may degenerate into a signature for victimhood, or an unresolved melancholia mired in injured narcissism or national pride, a melodramatic scenario for self- aggrandizement, a paralysis of the mind and the body, and a failure in language, image, and narrative.

The constant attempt to bracket and personalize the destructive forces of history within psychology, medicine, therapy, or popular aesthetic forms reveals even more sharply how irrevocably trauma is bound up with the vicissitudes and fundamental contradictions of modern history.

If mainstream historical narrative is a story of engagement with shocks as well as a venue of flight from them, so is the history of trauma. Numerous writers, psychologists, and historians have pointed out the experience of modernity as traumatic. This truism reasserts that it is modern history, with its secular dethroning of the sacred and the absolute, its aggressive technology and military conflicts, its destructive ideological movements of fascism, totalitarianism, and other fundamentalisms, its expansive world markets, its imperialist conquest and colonization of indigenous peoples, its hubris in the conquest of nature, and its epidemic of homelessness and migration, that has shattered the ontological anchorage, the inherited ground of experience, and the intimate cultural networks of support and trust that humans hitherto relied on for a sense of security and meaningful life.

The interest in a singular event, such as the Holocaust, the Cultural Revolution, the Vietnam War or a horror story of genocide, seems to go with the periodization of trauma. Such short-term periodization is consonant with the truncated view of trauma as a clinical, psychic, and even neurological event, subject to positivist and scientific scrutiny. To understand trauma historically, however, we need to move beyond a short period, beyond the positivistic focus on the events and psychic mechanisms and move on to probe patterns of crisis and the dynamics of social change from a longer historical perspective.

Thus our point of departure is to deploy modernity as the framework for configurations of trauma. Our aim is to theorize how cultures too may be traumatized, how traces of traumatic events leave their mark on cultures.

Modernity was initially a Euro-American project but it ran into conflict with nonwestern peoples around the globe. The modern process has plunged different cultures and regions into painful, bloody paths of modernization, development and revolution, and forced them to search for alternatives to survive in the modern world.

One aspect of modernity that opens up multinational and multiethnic traumatic experiences for investigation is the mass media. Thus the major purpose of this book is to bring together modernity, the traumatic histories of different cultures, and the working out of these experiences in cinema and other visual media. From the trauma of industrial warfare to the Holocaust, from totalitarian atrocities to the annihilating speed of modernization that demolished traditional cultures, from imperialist invasion to colonial subjugation, the visual media have both represented catastrophic realities and been part of that reality.

The visual media do not just mirror those experiences; in their courting and staging of violence they are themselves the breeding ground of trauma, as well as a matrix of understanding and experiencing of a world out of joint. The visual media have become a cultural institution in which the traumatic experience of modernity can be recognized, negotiated, and reconfigured.

This volume also addresses the experience of modernity in a more pronounced cross-cultural context of multinational and multiethnic encounters, and the way this experience is re-enacted and represented in the image production of nations caught in transnational media circuits. We explore how the mass media represent national and local histories and discuss how cinema, photography, and other digitally executed imagery deliver shocks and disorientation to traditional, primarily literary cultures.

We argue that these forms participate in coping with traumatic encounters between underdeveloped nations and Western metropolises. We explore how indigenous media respond to the leveling effect of global culture and work to preserve traditional culture and assert national identity in the face of the accelerating process of globalization. Most writers in this volume agree in their perception of trauma as the breakdown of symbolic resources, narrative, and imagery.

But this does not bog them down in the doubting of possibilities of re- imagining and reconstruction. Rather it spurs them to seek and discover new ways to generate meaning in traumatic experience, to invent a language and narrative against the seeming abyss and darkness of trauma. Lincoln looks at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa and assesses the ways the trauma of apartheid afflicted victims and perpetrators in different ways.

Drawing on fragments of testimony, personal memory, and video production, she outlines the violence of the apartheid regime against the body and psyche of the victims, who were mutilated, silenced, and isolated from the community. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission serves as a witness stand for the silenced voice of the victims, as well as an occasion for the perpetrators to work through the burden of their guilt. Thus despite its complex ethical ambiguity, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission is seen as a positive social agency for reinventing, out of the unspeakable trauma, a new historical narrative, and for rebuilding a new community.

Like Lincoln, she is interested in learning how postcolonial cultures can move from trauma to witnessing, mourning and reconciliation. She argues that trauma studies provides psychological tools for thinking about inter- and intra-cultural conflict involving white Australians and the Aborigines. Such tools aid in understanding how the traumatic past blocks contact, freezing both victims and perpetrators into locked positions.

Careful not to collapse these two groups — power hierarchies always enable the perpetrators to retain their positions — Kaplan turns to independent and alternative film and photography to study what we can learn about useful models for transcultural exchange. Her four carefully selected and varied textual analyses show how creative productions provide one of the few means through which the oppressed and their oppressors can come to terms with, mourn, as well as repent and repair remaining psychic wounds and damages to the social body.

In the dialectic interplay between the written language of Chinese and various local dialects, between the visual and written, Chi opens up a critical space where each of these elements may change places and play the role of the other. This creates a vigilance that guards against a particularism based on trauma and against a universalism in tune with strident nationalism and global media circuits.

In the process, the essay offers a heterogeneous picture of local identity tied to non-identity and in a volatile process of being made and remade. The second set of essays deals with the familiar modern phenomena of war, terror, collective death, and catastrophe. Taking up the large historical events more generally dealt with in trauma studies, Joshua Hirsch and Janet Walker in their different ways look at the links between history and memory.

Addressing documentaries about the Holocaust, Hirsch, like Kaplan, is interested in the issue of vicarious traumatization and the impact of trauma films on spectators, including a potentially pro-social one. Using the three concepts of tense, mood and voice, Hirsch analyzes four differing Holocaust documentaries to unravel their varying strategies and varying spectator impacts.

While she returns us to the relationship between memory and history, Walker focuses more on psychoanalytic notions of the intermingling of memory with fantasy. Mistaken memories also testify, albeit in a different voice. Through her analysis of two documentaries, Walker contends that the most politically effective films are those that figure the traumatic past as meaningful and yet as fragmentary, and striated with fantasy constructions.

All of the essays seek to find a new narrative that does not forget trauma but carries its traces forward. The sublime does not simply threaten the body and psyche with total terror and collapse.

Death, as intimated by the sublime, is actually the flip side of life — a will to life. Slade sees the classical aesthetics of the sublime as a way to reconstruct a life-sustaining narrative and to re-imagine a working through that masters traumatic repetitions of paralysis. The film underscores a hard-won philosophy of survival, a life-affirming world-view that elevates rather than degrades the common people on whom historical catastrophes fall in a seasonal cycle.

Petra Kuppers approaches her topic within very similar theoretical frameworks as authors in the rest of the volume but addresses a more unusual kind of trauma. Like others, Kuppers stresses how in traumatic narrative, the story is not fully there, not fully owned by discourse and is not within the mastery of the individual.

Also like other authors, Kuppers stresses the meeting places of life and film, the personal and the public, but she includes also those between a disabled body, a dancing body, and a body in film. From here, Kuppers moves toward linking trauma and disability, now not as so often in commercial films figured as a personal history, but in terms of their mechanisms: The film allows neither its characters nor its spectator to rest peacefully in one place.

The narration recoils, points forward and backward, distrusts itself. Kuppers concludes that this constant movement prevents moments of life from being halted, paralyzed or given meaning.

The spectator is kept on her toes. Since this trauma cannot be cured, it remains a block in the reader which allows a private, non-readable other to dance. Ban Wang considers trauma in relation to visual shocks in modern Chinese literature and film. More importantly, in the face of Japanese invasion, national crisis and social upheavals in the s, Chinese critics and filmmakers carried the traumatic motif over to filmmaking.

The cinematic devices of the longtake and montage became politically charged means for engaging historical experience of disasters, depravations, and war. The longtake immerses the viewer in a specific photographical reality at the expense of preconceived ideas and emotion, while montage presents a dialectical, moment- by-moment, tentative configuration of social reality in flux. These papers span wide geographical areas and divergent cultures, but the common theme that binds them is the traumatic experiences of the modern world and their media representations.

If some papers may emphasize the paralysis in the body, the psyche and narrative, others seek to find a more positive evaluation of trauma-induced texts.

There is an oscillation, as we noted earlier, between acting out and working through, between melancholia and mourning, between deconstruction and reconstruction. If the different answers to the common question of traumatic experience help intensify our readiness to see trauma-related histories working out in different cultural contexts, and if these answers contribute to our understanding of, not trauma per se but the long-term historical, social, and structural factors that inflict pain on human beings in modern times, we believe that we will have done a valuable service.

LINCOLN We are charged to unearth the truth about our dark past; to lay the ghosts of that past so that they may not return to haunt us. That it may thereby contribute to the healing of a traumatized and wounded nation; for all of us in South Africa are wounded people. On both an individual and social level, the experiences of apartheid and the frequently violent struggle that opposed it constitute a profound trauma for all involved, not least because of the silence and deception that have characterized both experiences for so long.

The TRC can be seen, that is, as a ritualized mourning process — a national memorial service for the victims of apartheid, past and present, which helps survivors confront their losses and those suffered by others. As a process of public mourning that acknowledges the multiple and often contradictory traumas experienced by communities and individuals throughout the country, the Commission thus encourages South Africans of all races to engage their history and imagine a larger, national community based on a common, though divergent, experience of loss.

This process is, however, not without its cultural risks. The TRC has not been a welcome presence in many communities around the nation, nor has it been met with unmitigated approbation — in black communities or white. The Truth Commission will give a shared memory to the people of South Africa. The painful and often destructive effects of being a witness — whether directly or indirectly — have spread beyond those involved in the Commission itself to affect the community at large. As a communal as well as individual trauma — a socio-cultural and economic as well as political event — apartheid had profoundly complex impacts on the lives of its diverse subjects.

Almost a decade after the nominal end of apartheid, access to housing, health care, education, employment, and the media remains skewed. To the enforcers and beneficiaries of the system, those who enjoy its material advantages even today, and to the millions who continue to suffer its consequences, the year history of apartheid means something quite different. Lingering cultural memories of the — Anglo-Boer War, the 20, Afrikaner women and children who died in British concentration camps, and the devastating economic consequences of the war served as a powerful rallying point for Afrikaner nationalism in the s and s.

Though the origins of institutionalized racism can be traced to the earliest days of European colonialism in Southern Africa, the simultaneous emergence of capitalist modes of production and Afrikaner nationalism following the — war had important consequences for the direction taken by formalized apartheid in the twentieth century.

Specifically, the death anxiety underpinning this nationalist project was combined with a new terror of what G. It also, importantly, helped to distance most of the white minority from the potentially traumatizing effects of atrocities committed in their name. In terms of this narrative of racial survival, the death, brutalization, and exploitation of others became a necessary and justifiable means to an end. Journalist Stephen Laufer examines the careful language that the state used to describe its activities: The conspiracy needed a sanitised phrase with no suggestion of blood.

No suggestion of agony or loss, morality gone AWOL. A way of talking, planning and carrying out evil which would still allow the perpetrators to attend church, raise families, sleep peacefully. Keeping control of the language was part of keeping control of the process. These atrocities, in other words, were not traumatic for their perpetrators at the time that they were committed.

It was only later, once this narrative was discredited and thus lost its explanatory power, that those responsible for these crimes became traumatized by their experience.

This is, of course, far from a unique phenomenon. Kali Tal argues, for instance, that for Vietnam veterans, the context of war enabled them to perform actions that would otherwise be abhorrent to them. LINCOLN vividly demonstrate the personally traumatic consequences of their former activities in service of the apartheid state. They say he is clearly disturbed, drinks a lot and has undergone a series of treatments for post-traumatic stress.

Later he realised that, in fact, the generals wanted Ngqulunga dead because the Vlakplaas operative had threatened to tell investigators from an official inquiry set up by the National Party government — not the ANC — about covert police operations.

Many white participants, like Captain Mentz, experience the disruption of these explanatory narratives as a fundamental destruction of cultural certainties as well. Even those who justified their suffering as part of a larger collective struggle against an illegitimate system found that their ideological narratives broke down under the pressure of the tremendous personal brutality and violence they experienced.

If they remained in the country, they were as effectively silenced as those who did not participate directly in the struggle. Despite the brutality and blatant disregard for international law its representatives exhibit, the state maintains its discourse of legality, together with an illusion of an operational criminal justice system. The ingenuity of this discursive structure lies precisely in the ways that it silences its opponents.

For traumatized victims like Sylvia Dlomo-Jele, forced to endure silent suffering for decades, the process of public testimony restores their connection with the state and with others in similar circumstances around the country.

By repairing the relationship between state and individual, the Truth Commission helps to ensure the survival of the new government. It is precisely this presence that facilitates the process, since it restores the idea of a broader community from which the survivor has been isolated by traumatic events. It is the encounter and the coming together between the survivor and the listener, which makes possible something like a repossession of the act of witnessing.

This joint responsibility is the source of the reemerging truth. Mr van Eck, an Afrikaner man who lost his family and friends to an ANC bomb while holidaying on a game farm, expresses this relationship most vividly. He cannot tell the story of his traumatic past as a narrative: Do you know, you the truth commissioners, how a temperature feels of between six and eight thousand degrees? Do you know how it feels to look for survivors and only find dead and maimed? Do you know how it feels to look for your three-year-old child and never, Mr.

Chairman, never to find him again and to keep wondering for the rest of your life where he was? This responsibility does not come without a price, however. The man holds on to the table-top, his other hand moves restlessly in his lap. I have to identify my child. I see it is red. After the first three months of hearings, my wife and our baby left me because of my violent outbursts. The truth commission provided counselling and I was advised to stop.

This is my history, and I want to be part of it — until the end. By speaking their words for them, the translator in effect becomes the traumatized witness as well as the listener: He is traumatized because he experiences the traumatic effects of the testimony — and because he implicates himself directly in the history being told through his voice.

You will find yourself powerless — without help, without words. The horror of the stories she hears is, in part, her sense that — as a white South African — she is directly implicated in the atrocities committed on her behalf.

One cannot get rid of it. And suddenly it is as if an undertow is taking me out. And behind me sinks the country of my skull like a sheet in the dark — and I hear a thin song, hoofs, edges of venom, fever and destruction fermenting and hissing underwater. I shrink and prickle. Against my blood and the heritage thereof. Will I forever be them — recognizing them as I do daily in my nostrils?

And what we have done will never be undone. The listeners especially white South Africans who must recognize that they are in fact hearing their history need to confront — and actively engage — the horror of apartheid in order to move beyond it. A friend who has emigrated is visiting me in the office.

She answers a call. For the first time in months — I breathe. The absolution one has given up on, the hope for a catharsis, the ideal of reconciliation, the dream of a powerful reparation policy Maybe this is all that is important — that I and my child know Vlakplaas and Mamasela.

That we know what happened there. When the truth commission process started last year, one instinctively realised: Hearing others tell similar stories and adding their own traumas to the growing collection inserts individual victims like Mrs Dlomo back into a larger communal narrative of persecution and suffering, which in turn provides a narrative for coming to terms with a traumatic past.

Dlomo to free herself of the burden imposed by enforced silence and restores her identification with others across the imagined community. For communities in which familial and communal networks are especially valued, this isolation is highly traumatic: By witnessing to the myriad ways in which the system brutalized its victims around and beyond the country, and importantly to countless remarkable stories of endurance and resistance, the Truth Commission helps survivors work together through their guilt — imagined or real — and celebrate, instead, the power of the collective commitment that ultimately brought down the apartheid state.

In South Africa, as elsewhere, this is a complicated undertaking. Torture victims frequently testify that they were presented with an alternative by their tormentors: In short, the truth often became a manipulation, a source of trauma rather than its catharsis. Countering traditional dismissals of individual memory as a supposedly unreliable historical source, the Truth Commission has assembled a vast, multivocal public archive of personal testimonies, insisting that these, too, are worthy of our attention.

Dori Laub describes the testimony of a woman, a survivor of Auschwitz, who relates her memory of an uprising in the camp. Knowledge in the testimony is, in other words, not simply a factual given that is reproduced and replicated by the testifier, but a genuine advent, an event in its own right. LINCOLN searching for the clues that lead, endlessly, to a truth that will, in the very nature of things, never be fully revealed.

The pressing question remains: Despite the optimism of its commissioners and many others, the ambivalence surrounding the TRC at its creation persists today.

They feel incredulous that the state should ask them to forgive the perpetrators of the crimes that destroyed their lives and those of their communities, especially when the perpetrators do not even need to express repentance in order to receive amnesty. Wrapped up in themselves, the former policemen do not make way for the remorse their victims need to see them feeling if truth is to beat a path through anger to reconciliation.

It is about a willingness to submit, to let go. These men seem unable to do so. Nevertheless, the alternative — prosecuting individuals for apartheid-era crimes — seems equally unconstructive. Furthermore, punishing the perpetrators of particular atrocities neglects the traumatic effects of apartheid on all its victims, not only those who were killed or tortured by members of the security forces. The country needs gestures which shift truth and reconciliation from being a bureaucratic act to being a matter of the heart.

Instead of a single, Biblical act of national catharsis, then, individual South Africans are left to confront their own sufferings and atrocities, and to come to terms, personally and collectively, with a past that continues to haunt the present.

This leaves contemporary South African society with a dislocated traumatic past that cannot easily be assimilated into a narrative of the present — in part, because the traumatizing effects of that past persist in the present. Apartheid can neither be simply forgotten nor easily remembered without perpetuating its divisive effects in the fledgling nation. Linear, realist historical narratives have been used and abused in service of colonial and apartheid regimes even as they efface their own position within those ideological frameworks.

Films like Khulumani and SisaKhuluma represent history as a set of fragmentary individual narratives, marking the boundaries of a representation that apartheid defies. Like the survivors of the Holocaust, fragments of individual memory — rather than a coherent collective history — are all we have.

We need to move from the pattern of violence, and its ensuing trauma, to producing translators to mediate across difference. We have to find ways to transfer difference into something other than trauma.

My effort here may be seen as one act of translation among many, in which I explore texts representing other acts of translation already underway or imagined.

The first part of this chapter, thus, looks at contrasting images of contact- zones in the context of Australian colonization that are traumatic, while the second part explores images of embodied cultural translators seeking to mediate difference. I turned to trauma studies as illuminating processes — especially those of traumatic memory — producing contact-zones that evidence trauma.

For trauma, in its by now well-established sense of events that are so overwhelming that they cannot be cognitively processed, helps us understand the mental state of peoples who are victims of traumas arising from inter- as well as intra- cultural contact. Traumatic memory, then, refers to traces of past events passed on from generation to generation through their indirect recall. The delayed response to such events, in individuals,5 takes the form of repeated, intrusive hallucinations, dreams, thoughts or behaviors, which clinicians now know a lot about.

Natural disasters are beyond human control, and accidents happen: It is this knowledge that haunts intercultural contact particularly in the context of colonization. It means that contact between indigenous peoples and the groups who invaded in the past is inevitably haunted by this past. The traumatic past, that is to say, shapes the nature of contact. On the part of the colonizers, there are also blocks to harmonious contact, although I do not want to equate the situations of the perpetrators and the victims.

As in the case of the victims noted above, generalization is difficult, but even more important is that barriers due to a traumatic history are exacerbated by ongoing power relations: Fanon demonstrated that perpetrators as well as victims may suffer classic traumatic symptoms because of what they have done to other humans. Many do not suffer or even have remorse, however.

They may be fully aware of what was done, but seek to repress public knowledge so as not to arouse outcry and attribution of blame, to say nothing especially these days of demands for financial compensation for suffering.

Such speculations may inspire studies in which hypotheses may be tested. Commercial and popular art, such as Hollywood film in the USA, may emerge at once to conceal historical events perpetrated by dominant groups, but split off from public consciousness, while implicitly referring to such events.

Meanwhile, as my examples also show, victims traumatized in the past begin to make their own art, detailing their experiences and the cultural residues of colonization.

As Betty Joseph has pointed out, scholars who have depended on literary, art and media texts often feel they are out of touch with the large global events social scientists especially ethnographers address.

But following Raymond Williams and Aihwa Ong, Joseph argues that the literary may yet have an important role to play. In this way, it addresses the politics of trauma, including the trauma of cross-cultural conflict. In art, subjectivity, including its unconscious aspects, becomes visible as social practice. While theory tends to homogenize multiplicity into monolithic generalizations that cannot capture nuances of different practices and positions of transcultural exchange, I see creative productions as islands of specificity that rise up out of the sea of multiple positionings.

In what follows, I juxtapose four works, produced in differing contexts, which show the two stages involved in acts of translation noted above. Overall, I am concerned to show what works like these might contribute to community building and reconciliation through what they imagine. They simply give up their white identity and their past life, and settle down amongst indigenous peoples, adopting their ways of being and learning their language.

Anthropologists have sometimes theorized the impossibility of knowing the other, as well as succumbing to indigenization. He reads Where the Green Ants Dream as illustrating the incommensurable difference between the Aborigines and white Australians. Tang and Wu made revolutions in accordance with the will of Heaven, and in response to the wishes of people. Great indeed is what takes place in the time of change.

The word geming in the Yijing was given a sacred aura, yet this Confucian legitimization of the Tang and Wu rebellions in the name of heaven and the people, despite contradicting Confucian ethical principles, implied a critique of as well as a threat to imperial power. In the late nineteenth century geming was awakened in the context of world revolution by way of Japanese translation. Book of Changes, trans.

James Legge New York: Bantam, , After the abortive reform movement of , Liang Qichao was exiled to Japan, where he carried on his political agenda and became familiar with the Western humanities via Japanese translations. These works zealously spread European ideas and at the same time severely criticized the Qing government. Sun Yat-sen also adopted the translated geming from Japanese and used it for his anti-Qing politics.

How he encountered the word reads 2 Raymond Williams, Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society, revv ed. Duke University Press, , — Wasserstrom and Elizabeth Perry, eds. Westview Press, , It reminded him of the canonical text about Tang and Wu, which had secretly aroused in him both fear and ecstasy. In a heated debate on its meaning occurred between the reformists and the revolutionaries. Finally the reformists lost.

Nevertheless, after the debate, the geming discourse was interrelated with both tradition and modernity: Revolution turned to disillusionment when Yuan Shikai and his military government betrayed its original promise. Yuan ordered all to worship Confucius and read the Five Classics in schools, restoring the dynastic order by proclaiming himself emperor. As part of this restoration he signed a shameless compact with Japan. Even in the KMT some people thought the Republican Constitution was more valuable than Yuan and might be ruined by another revolution, which would cause an endless crisis of political legitimacy.

Provincial warlords fought each other, all attempting to gain supremacy through controlling the Republican parliament. It was in line with this revolutionary cry that the May Fourth iconoclasm was forged. At this juncture a new intellectual con- sensus arose: Usually set in local towns or the rural countryside, his stories depict people emotionally and spiritually diseased and oppressed by evil forces: By representing those victimized souls, Lu Xun showed deep sympathy for poor people oppressed by the hierarchical social order.

With the impetus of May Fourth iconoclasm, Chinese literature and culture were revolutionized with new historical consciousness. From the late nineteenth century on, both the Qing and the Repub- lican governments carried on the project of language reform, yet with little success. In the early s the government promulgated a series of orders to substitute baihua for wenyan in the educational system. The polemic continued with growing heat, involving more writers and publications on both sides.

In defense, Zhou Shoujuan asserted that literary leisure is necessary for city dwellers, who seek relaxation amid the pressures of modernity. Holding that his magazines expressed the kind of universality found in the London Magazine or Strand Magazine in England, Zhou stated his opti- mism that Chinese urbanism would develop as urbanism had in capi- talist countries in the West. Finally their literary business ceased in when the anti-Japanese war broke out. Seizing power, Chiang Kai-shek ordered the arrest and killing of many Com- munists.

This setback forced Mao Zedong and his followers to turn to rural areas in pursuit of a peasant revolution. Once again, in a moment of political crisis, literature was assigned an extraordinary mission. Cannibalization of the Canon London and New York: Routledge, , 91— They empha- sized the importance of a subjective spirit and dialectical thinking in dealing with cultural problems.

Despite sharp words and even personal attacks, agreement was reached among most participants, leading to the establishment of the Left League in , under the direction of Lu Xun and CCP cadres. This is recorded in the canonical history of modern Chinese literature as the moment when modern Chinese literature embarked on its correct track.

Led by the CCP, literary production continued in the May Fourth tradition and shouldered the antifeudal and anti-imperial revolution. Politically, in rejecting the KMT who was ready to reconcile with the status quo, the revolutionized literature primarily functioned to mobilize the masses in order to structurally change Chinese society e. Culturally, equipped with Marxism, the left-wing writers were actively engaged with mass culture in urban centers.

The microcosmic tragedy provided the audience with a deeper view of the social structure under local and global capitalism. Many translations of poems by Charles Baudelaire were published by the literary page. The novel ends with his painful farewell to Li Jia as he decides to join the Northern Expedition in Canton.

She falls in love with the Communist Shi Xunbai, who ignites her passion and ideals. After Shi is secretly executed by her husband, Su Shang breaks with him and goes to Moscow in pursuit of revolutionary liberation. As shown by the title, going to Moscow contrasts with going to Canton, ideologically linked to the KMT revolution.

The party leaders look like unattractive agents, shorn of personalities. Although the theme of love is threaded throughout the narrative, it is less charged with libidinal desire. Man and woman are comrades who learn about, understand, and love each other on the basis of a supreme revolutionary cause. In fact, given the polemic, his effort to revolution- ize the form by weaving historical consciousness into narrative and through sophisticated techniques in plotting and portraying charac- ters was revelatory.

Believing in a philosophy of the present, Zhang Qiuliu comes to rescue Shi Xun, a decaying dandy, from his dark past, but this transformation plan ends with a bitter irony: Allegorically Mei marches at the head of the crowd, plunging herself into the torrents of revolution and leading the masses toward future emancipation.

Rainbow opens with a scene in which Mei leans on the rail on the upper deck of a steamship about to pass through the Wu gorges on its way to Shanghai. And her small mouth, which was usually tightly closed, gave proof of her resolute disposition. She was the kind of person who knew her goal and never turned back. The whole novel has ten chap- ters. To Mei, leaving Sichuan means bidding farewell to her narrow provincial life: The river seemed a symbol of her past.

But she hoped her future would be as open and surging as the Yangtze would be below the Kui Pass. University of California Press, , 2. While wearing a qipao and high heels, she sits in a rickshaw running along the boulevard, like a middle-class woman busy with her daily routine.

Nevertheless, she feels bored, lonely, and depressed, symptoms of an urban mentality under the pressure of modernity. Secretly in love with Liang Gangfu, the leader of a revolutionary group, she makes every effort to attract him.

She would be careful to read the newspapers, make contacts with people in all political groups, and put on an arrogant air in front of Liang Gangfu and his crowds. The Bildungsroman in European Culture London: Verso, , 4—5. Columbia University Press, , The Great Cultural Revolution and Beyond The word geming in modern China underwent a sea change as the linguistic system shifted from classical to vernacular language, burying the classical lexicon, grammar, and poetics.

Like an allegory of national survival, it was buried time and again and resurrected during moments of crisis, never losing its aura of heavenly will and popular support.

Adapted and nourished by cultures of world revolution, geming was radiant with a promise for a better tomorrow. Bulzoni Editore, , 57— Stanford University Press, , — University of California Press, Western-style ballet, orchestral music, and other forms were adopted, though selectively and symbolically displayed. Neverthe- less, the geming ideology was so deeply intertwined with social life and mass psychology that it played a crucial role in the tragedy. Such forgetfulness was accelerated by the rapid domination of global modernity.

Revolu- tionary values were swept from local memory. Whether visible or hidden, geming discourse is institution- ally and ideologically imprinted with existing power relations. How to commemorate and reevaluate the legacy of the modern Chinese revolution will certainly be an issue in the years to come. Hunan, Hubei, and neighboring provinces through guerrilla war. They passed through 11 provinces in one year, trekked zigzagging, back and forth, for 25, li 8, miles , and reached northern Shaanxi in October No more than 10, people survived the journey.

Two other forces, the Second and the Fourth Front Armies, also retreated westward. Chased by the Nationalist troops and bombs, the Red Army had to march through rushing torrents, precipitous mountains, and treacherous swamps. From November 25 to December 1, , they encountered the most severe attacks from the Nationalist Army along the Xiang River, a tributary of the Yangtze River.

The Communists lost more than 40, men in this battle and the river was red with blood. By the time they crossed the river, the Red Army had been reduced to 30, In January , they arrived at Zunyi, Guizhou province. From Janu- ary 15 to 17, the Politburo held an enlarged meeting there to discuss the lessons from the retreat and the next move.

Under his leadership, to shake off the Nationalist pursuit, the Red Army went back and forth over the Chishui River, a branch of the Yangtze, four times by the end of March. The Communist troops seized an iron-chain bridge in Luding and overcame the natural barrier by crossing the river at the end of May. The celebration of the union of the two Red Armies was joyful and harmonious. But disagreement surfaced between the two leaders over the leadership of the CCP in general and of the Red Army in particular.

Zhang stayed and then headed south with the remaining forces. Mao and his followers reached a town called Wuqi in northern Shaanxi in November Thus the three Red Armies reunited and concluded the Long March. Published based on the mimeograph version preserved in the Central Archive of China. The Five Ridges wind like gentle ripples And the majestic Wumeng rolls by, globules of clay. Warm the steep cliffs lapped by the waters of Golden Sand, Cold the iron chains spanning the Tatu River.

It broke the expedition record. The Long March is unprecedented in the annals of history. The Long March is a manifesto. Since the time when Pangu3 divided the heavens from the earth and the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors reigned, has history ever witnessed such a Long March as ours?

In the Nationalist discourse, the Long March is referred to as the Communist bandits escaping westward. Foreign Languages Press, Renmin chubanshe, , 65— Haixia xueshu chubanshe, The narrative stops at the joining of the First and Fourth Front Armies because, according to the book, Lian Chen was then set free by the Communists.

But in fact, he turned out to be neither a military doctor serving in the 59th Division of the Nationalist Army nor a captive of the Red Army, as he claimed.

For example, he spent only a few lines on the battles along the Xiang River. According to his account, the Red Army crossed the Xiang peacefully without any loss at all. But as mentioned earlier, the Red Army suffered tre- mendous losses along the river; half of the troops died in the battles. Edgar 6 The title was changed to Cong dongnan dao xibei From the southeast to the north- west in the edition published by Mingyue chubanshe.

Hongqi chu- banshe, Most of its original wording was retained, except for a few pejora- tive words about the Red Army. However, the overt error about the Xiangjiang battle was not corrected, even though the actual losses incurred had long been known. A reporter from Mis- souri sympathetic to the Chinese Communist revolution, Snow was more eligible for this role than anyone else.

The experience in exile for twelve months offered the Communists necessary legitimacy in the production of the Long March discourse. As early as the spring of , the editorial board of the Communist Party planned to gather a collection of documents and diaries of the Long March.

Grove, , It recounted most of the important heroic battles against the Nationalist Army and presented the most arduous trials the Red Army had gone through, whereas little defeat or loss was noted. During the Cultural Revolution, the Long March became an inspiration for young people to participate in revolution.

Meanwhile, historical writings continued to build up the halo around the event. There were more than historical books about the Long March produced from to Jiefangjun chubanshe, — ; Zhonggong zhongyang dangshi yanjiushi diyi yanjiubu, ed. Liaoning renmin chubanshe, Renmin chubanshe, ; Tong Xiaopeng, Junzhong riji: Jiefangjun chubanshe, ; Huang Guozhu et al.

Xunfang jianzai lao hongjun My Long March: Interview with the old Red Army soldiers , 2 vols. Jiefangjun wenyi chubanshe, One typical case is accounts of the cipher telegram that directly led to the split between the First and Fourth Front Armies.

The Long March has drawn considerable attention in the English- speaking world. The Untold Story chronicles the massive military retreat with vivid narrative and archival details. According to the accounts of the CCP, Zhang Guotao refused to go north after the armies joined together. Mao led two corps north on the same night without informing Zhang, regardless of the fact that Zhang was the political commissar in general of the Red Army.

Dangdai zhongguo chubanshe, , — Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, ; Shang Fangcheng, Changzheng neimu: Zhongguo yanshi chubanshe, Interweaving discoveries through museum and archival studies, personal stories by old Red Army soldiers, and her impressions of the historical sites, Sun presents a distinct, engaging, yet disturbing narrative that brings to light coercive military recruitment, pillaging of food supplies, and lethal power struggles.

Queries a Whose Long March? Almost all records hold that the Long March started in October , when the First Front Army set out from Jiangxi, and ended two years later in October with the joining of three forces: Here the question arises.

Surely the Fourth Front Army participated in the expedition and deserves a chapter in the whole movement, but why is its story truncated and largely untold? The focus of attack moved from the revolutionary bases in Jiangxi to those in Anhui, Henan, and Hubei provinces. Zhang Guotao, then the vice-chair of the central Soviet government, was put in charge of the northern provinces in April.

He led the main force of the Fourth Front Army to retreat toward the west in July. In November , Zhang and his army arrived in north- ern Sichuan. For this they did not ask the Central CCP for approval. Later, the Western Legion Xilu jun , mainly composed of the Fourth Front Army, was smashed by the Islamic minority cavalry troops in the northwest.

Zhang was blamed for the death of the Fourth Front Army. Zhang thus came to be portrayed as a traitor in the CCP history books and his Fourth Front Army was not given the credit it deserved in the wars against the Nationalists.

The truth is that the Fourth Front Army had started on the road to the west two years earlier than the First Front Army. But this move was considered a politically wrong decision by the Central CCP at the time. Zhang was thus the inventor and practitio- ner of strategic retreat, later endorsed and utilized by Mao. Thus the compilers excluded the march of the Fourth Front Army from to , together with some other earlier excursions of the Red Army, from the discussion of the Long March in this book.

Many history textbooks depict the Long March as a mobilization toward the north in order to resist the Japanese. More and more evi- dence has shown that anti-Japanese resistance is a later embellishment added by the CCP propaganda machine. The northeast was lost to Japan after September 18, On January 28, , the Japanese bombed Shanghai. On April 15, , the temporary central govern- ment of Soviet China declaired war with Japan. This was for show rather than action, especially considering that the Soviet China was still preoccupied with the anti-extermination campaign.

The true goal of this action was to distract the Nationalist Army from the Soviet area in Jiangxi so that the Nationalist pressure on the Central Red Army would be relieved. It could be easily exposed as false: Liaoning renmin chubanshe, , While she had had professional training in music and dancing in the Soviet Union, Li did not seem to possess professional operatic knowl- edge. The melodic version could be taken as a genuine hallelujah for Mao and the Long March.

These could be under- stood as the legacy of socialist realism, which emphasizes complying 20 Snow, Red Star Over China, These works brought Wang nationwide popularity; among them, Qigen huochai Seven match- sticks, is the most representative piece. Its inclusion in Chinese textbooks for elementary education proves its political correctness in accordance with the party ideology.

On the verge of death, one of the soldiers passes his last seven matchsticks to the other, Lu Jinyong. The symbols here are very straightforward and the whole narrative is oriented teleologically.

This cluster of Long March representations in the s carried the mission of producing meaning. Works about the march without exception dwell on the bitterness and hardship that the Red Army endured, with slight differences in agenda: Intriguingly, the oppressive other is very often absent, so the Long March storytelling appears to be a monologue, like that of an old hero recounting his glorious past.

Diqiu shang de hong piaodai The red ribbon on the earth, enlarges upon well-known battles and struggles within the party. Wei Wei made his work a heartfelt offering to commemorate the march.

He followed what history textbooks told him along the main plot line and created details around those narrative kernels. Although Wei Wei spent nine out of ten of the , words in depicting dialogue, the novel does not break out of the set pattern of representations of the Long March.

Loss and death are usually replaced with rhetorical ellipsis or intentionally deleted. From the very beginning, loss and defeat have been denied and became forbidden subjects. The inside front cover and inside back cover were printed with two works by seal-carving artists.

Therefore, unlike Red Ribbon, Red Sunset does not use any direct speech. But the story remains fragmentary and even inconsistent. Mourning Flag goes one step further. Through their vision and stories, we see what we cannot see and hear what we cannot hear in history books.

The main characters Grandpa Qingguo and Erguaizi are not spokesmen of the party. They do not know how the history books record what has happened around them. In this way, these writings present a nuanced picture of the Long March. The Long March has been one of the main themes of cinema pro- duction since the establishment of the PRC. The combination of geographical sites and human endur- ance bridges natural space and national solidarity.

Wu Ziniu, , and Jiejie Sister, dir. Lin Nong, , and Si du chishui Crossing the red water four times, dir. Zhai Junjie, ; and fragmentary sidelights like Jiejie Sister, dir. Wu Yigong, , Mati shengsui Sound of a horseshoe, dir. Liu Miaomiao, , and Xindong suiyue Hard times dir. The impact of the March has been long-lasting and far-reaching.

Most importantly, it works as a reserve of Chinese collective memory. The event was declared over after they reached the Dadu River, the twelfth site in their original plan. The curators explained that they had achieved their goal and foresaw that the rest of the exhibition would have less openness and more uncertainty—the original aim of the project. But the exhibitions and workshops continued at their base in Beijing. The innovation of tracking the route on foot initiated a heated discussion about the format of art exhibits, the current art exhibit system, and the relationship of the arts and audiences.

The spatial exploration with artistic works was also an archeological adventure of local art along the route, so some unknown artists were brought to the spotlight. The walk- ing performance went beyond the limits of representation and came up with different versions of mapping the Long March. The series of 28 See www. The map of the Long March tattooed on the back of an artist from Inner Mongolia, Qin Ga, physically created a site of collective and individual memory.

Around its seventieth anniversary in , the Long March inspired all kinds of commemoration. All of these phenomena show that the Long March continues to live as an integral part of Chinese history, a legend, and a national myth. Jilin wenshi chubanshe, Visiting the old Red Army soldiers still alive Beijing: Jiefangjun wenyi chu- banshe, The CCTV news channel followed them throughout the journey and reported this event with extensive coverage. What is the problem? It is the fact that there is something in the minds of a number of our comrades which strikes me as not quite right, not quite proper.

By something wrong with the style of study we mean the malady of subjectivism. By something wrong with our style in Party relations we mean the malady of sectarianism. By something wrong with the style of writing we mean the malady of stereotyped Party writing.

All these are wrong, they are ill winds, but they are not like the wintry north winds that sweep across the whole sky. Subjectivism, sectar- ianism, and stereotyped Party writing are no longer the dominant styles, but merely gusts of contrary wind, ill winds from the air-raid tunnels.

It is bad, however, that such winds should still be blowing in the Party. We must seal off the passages which produce them. Foreign Languages Press, , 3: Both of these forms of knowledge are incomplete, and true knowledge comes only from a dialectical interaction of theory with empirical knowledge. This kind of writing was empty of meaning, but it was also pretentious and dan- gerously elitist because it could not be understood by the masses. These texts are all found in English translation in Mao, Selected Works, vol.

This community was not just something forced on disenchanted party cadres and intellectuals; they were for the most part willing participants who actively helped to shape the community and eagerly sought to join. Scholars working outside China paint a different picture: Harvard University Press, , xxv. The complex role of intellectuals in the production of discourse under the Maoist system. Mao blamed the uprisings on AB elements. The Unknown Story New York: Knopf, , Shanghai wenyi, , includes discussion of her father, Peng Boshan, later a target of the anti-Hu Feng campaign, and his place in the purge of The conventional story— 10 For a discussion of this purge, see Gao Hua, Hong taiyang shi zenyang shengqi de: Zhongwen daxue, , 10— This has been the standard representation, of course, in the PRC scholarship, but it is a view that was also widely accepted in Western scholarship.

Harvard Uni- versity Press, Qiushi, , 1—2, Whereas the former is characterized by a more benevolent re-education, the latter is characterized by political purges. Zhongyang yanjiu yuan jindai shi yanjiusuo, , 2. Party ranks had been decimated by the Long March, and the rapid increase in new blood came largely from peas- ant stock.

The party then launched a massive study campaign, during which cadres were expected to read and discuss a set of desig- nated texts: Progress, , See Chang and Halladay, Mao, Party Reform Documents, — Seattle: University of Washington Press, Although the others eventually succumbed to party pressure to renounce their criticisms, Wang Shiwei did not. There were also some comrades who volunteered to talk to Wang but none of them succeeded in wak- ing him up.

Sharpe, , The problems discussed here exist in our literary and art circles in Yenan. What does that show? The prosecution enlisted party cadres and intellectuals, some of whom were friends of Wang and had initially supported his criticisms, to speak out publicly against him. Reading them gives me the feeling of entering the temple of a spirit that protects the town. His style is mediocre. His viewpoint is reactionary and his remedies poisonous.

See Stranahan, Molding the Medium: For samples of some of these anti-Wang Shiwei texts, see 99— Most likely it was a combination of both. The psychological pressure to confess was tremendous: As painful and awkward as this process could be, participants could gain from it a profound sense of belonging—to 24 Dai Qing, Wang Shiwei, First, Mao consolidated his power and effec- tively eliminated his enemies.

These campaigns differed from those of the prerevolutionary period in not focusing solely on party cadres and party intellectuals but extending to a broader range of people. Teiwes, Politics and Purges in China: It is therefore central to the Maoist vision of socialist transformation. During the Suppression of Counterrevo- lutionaries, hundreds of thousands of people with real or suspected ties to the Nationalists or to foreigners were executed.

It is a movement for carrying out a nationwide debate that is both guided and free, a debate in the city and the countryside on such questions as the socialist road versus the capitalist road, the basic system of the state and its major policies, the working style of party and government functionar- ies, and the question of the welfare of the people, a debate conducted by setting forth facts and reasoning things out, so as correctly to resolve those actual contradictions among the people that demand immediate solution.

This is a socialist movement for the self-education and self- remolding of the people. Mao famously remarked that in any group of ten people in society, one is bound to be a rightist, which party cadres interpreted as meaning that the party was mandating a quota of 10 percent of the population to be found out and dealt with as right- ists.

Some struggled to resist incorporation, but many eagerly sought it for the rewards it offered them personally. Quotations from Mao Tse-tung Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, , 42— Some comrades have old ideology and old consciousness which is so deep-rooted that it no longer seems like baggage which you can put down and be rid of. The second is not to fear the pain of scrubbing those parts clean, or of digging or cutting them out. But it can only be accomplished voluntarily. No one can force you to do it.

The masses can help only if you possess consciousness and the will to change. If you do not have the consciousness and the will, if you try to cover up your festering sores, then others cannot cure the rot even though they can smell it. Several of the self-criticisms that follow this appeal, however, end up being comic performances of what was expected rather than products of sincere introspection.

Yet some characters in the novel—and this is no doubt true of people in real life as well—embrace the process and gain from it a sense of real personal growth. Hong Kong University Press, , — To this end, Mao said, it was incumbent on writers and artists to adopt the perspectives of the CCP, the proletariat, and the masses. That is, they had to support the principle of exposing the enemy, promote the strategies of unity and criticism toward allies of the revolutionary forces in the United Front, and praise the people, the revolutionary army, and the CCP leadership.

Mao advised Chinese writers to look to the masses for resources to reform their bourgeois ideology; only then, he declared, would they succeed in creating the kind of literary works that connected with and were appreciated by ordinary people. In that new nation-state, Mao gave a legitimate place to a worker- peasant-soldier literature. Moreover, major writers, confronted by foreign colonization, poverty, corruption, and internal strikes, had been concerned with the wretched fate of the Chinese masses since the beginning of the twentieth century.

People from other social classes and ideological backgrounds were to be gradually excluded from con- sideration as subjects. Taking up the concerns of soldier literature of the early PRC period, the play relates the stories of the peasants, who had constituted the majority of the CCP army. The play demonstrates the way the old society broke up a close-knit family, and how the revolutionary war against the Japanese invad- ers and the KMT army reunited father and son, who had joined in the battle against their class enemies, eventually liberating their home- town and getting there just in time to rescue the mother.

With a retinue of characters, it unfurled a panoramic view of several major military campaigns in northwestern China. Ironically, however, it was under the same banner of class struggle that the writer suffered denunciation. In a tender moment she lends him a quilt, which, a few hours later, she uses to cover his body. The only dowry a 1 Chen Sihe, Zhongguo dangdai wenxue shi jiaocheng History of contemporary Chinese literature:

Wang Anyi, Xiang gang de qing yu ai (Beijing: Zuo jia chu ban she, ), Changhen ge When Wang Anyi reached twelve years old in , she was not permitted to continue inhabitants, only then did I have a slightly more accurate sense of who I was.” 9 . Wang Qiyao matures into a Shanghai teen. Ziteng campaigns for changes in the law, in particular the overturn of ban on brothels with more than one prostitute, since this prevents sex workers banding. 2 All of these three books have been published by more than one publishing houses. women: his first-lover, his girlfriend and the more mature and attractive woman Liu. Qing. In Beijing . The blind worship that Qiushui and his friends give to the old . 22 Ban Wang, The sublime figure of history: aesthetics and politics in.